Hu, Shi
(Anhui 1891-1962 Shanghai) : Schriftsteller, Philosoph, Diplomat
Subjects
Index of Names : China
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Literature : China
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Periods : China : People's Republic (1949-)
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Periods : China : Republic (1912-1949)
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Philosophy : China
Chronology Entries (30)
| # | Year | Text | Linked Data |
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| 1 | 1910-1917 | Hu Shi studiert an der Cornell University. Er liest 1915 Instrumentalism von John Dewey, dann alles was von John Dewey gedruckt wurde. |
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| 2 | 1913 |
Hu, Shi. Ein Fichtenbaum steht einsam im Norden [ID D11739]. Hu Shi macht eine kurze Anmerkung : Es ist ein Gedicht der Sehnsucht und Sehnsucht sei ein Lieblingsmotiv der chinesischen klassischen Poesie. |
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| 3 | 1914 | Hu Shi sieht eine Aufführung von Ghosts von Henrik Ibsen in Amerika und beginnt sich mit den Werken von Ibsen zu befassen. | |
| 4 | 1914 |
[Byron, George Gordon]. Ai Xila. Hu Shi yi. (1914). [ID D26396]. Chu Chih-yu : Hu Shi adopted in his translation the Chu ci style. |
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| 5 | 1915 |
[Wilde, Oscar]. Li xiang zhang fu [ID D27628]. Hu Shi criticized the Chinese translation of An ideal husband by Oscar Wilde for its lack of artistry and its irrelevance to the Chinese situation. |
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| 6 | 1917-1937 | Hu Shi ist Professor an der Beijing-Universität. |
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| 7 | 1917 |
Hu Shi promoviert am Department of Philosophy der Columbia University unter John Dewey und Friedrich Hirth. Hu selected two of Dewey's classes : social and political philosophy and schools of ethics. Three aspects of Dewey's teaching had a lasting impact on Hu, and were explicated in much of Hu's own writings : 1) Dewey's theory, which divided thinking into four evolutionary stages : the initial stage when beliefs were held fixed and static ; the Sophist stage where the certainty and static consistency of the previous stage was challenged ; the Socratic stage which transformed discussion into reasoning and subjective reflection into a method of proof ; and the inductive and empirical stage where thinking became research by way of the logical method. 2) Dewey's secular and instrumental approach to the study of the history of philosophy. 3) Dewey's idea of contextualism. |
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| 8 | 1917 |
Hu, Shi. Wen xue gai liang chu yi [ID D15650]. Hu Shi schreibt : Die Literatur im umgangssprachlichen Stil sei Standardform für die chinesische Literatur ; das Chinesische müsse Medium sein, das der Schöpfung lebendiger Literatur angemessen ist. |
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| 9 | 1918 |
Hu, Shi. Yibusheng zhu yi [ID D26214]. Hu Shi schreibt : "Ibsenism ! This is a difficult ropic. I am not a specialist on Ibsen, how can I be qualified to write such an essay ? However, since we have to produce an Ibsen issue, and to introduce Ibsen in a spectacular manner to China, it is necessary to provide an essay on Ibsenism. Anyway, I will offer the Ibsenism I have in mind as an introduction to the special issue." "In Ibsen's drama, there is a prominent theme which states that society and the individual are in opposition and mutually harmful to each other. Society is aristocratic and will destroy individuality by force. It suppresses the individual's free will and independence. When individuality is lost, the spirit of freedom and independence are gone ; society will lose its vitality and will not progress. Ibsen reveals the real nature of the family and society. His purpose is to shock the readers and let them know that there are darker sides in the family and society so as to induce them to reform and revolt - this is Ibsenism. On the surface, it is destructive, but in reality, it is constructive, but in reality, it is constructive. It is like what a doctor does in his diagnosis of an illness : can we say that this is destructive ? Although Ibsen diagnoses many diseases, he is not willing to give prescriptions. He knows that human society is a very complex organization made up of inumerable small parts. Its diseases are of many types and there is no cure-all prescription. Therefore, he only diagnoses the symptoms and let the patien find the prescription that will suit his case." "Ibsen tells us a good way to protect the health of society. He seems to say : 'The health of the human body depends on the large number of white blood corpuscles which are always fighting with the different kinds of diseases. The health of society and the state in the same way relies on the numerous white blood corpuscles which are never satisfied and are always fighting against the evildoers. If we want to defend the health of society we need to have the white blood corpuscles like Dr. Stockman. When society has obtained the spirit of these white blood corpuscles, there is no way that it will not reform and progress." "Nora in A doll's house suddenly discovers that the family is a stage for monkey performances and she herself is one of the monkeys. She has the courage, and does not want to wear a mask, therefore she says goodby to the stage manager and jumps down from the stage to live her own life." "Mrs. Alving in Ghosts is a coward, thus she is persuaded by the pastor to return home and resume her role as a wife." Elisabeth Eide : Hu Shi's version of Ibsenism as a coherent doctrine consisted of three major elements : an attack on the traditional family system, a defence of individualism, a demand for acceptance of the position of a persecuted and reviled minorty. This was needed for a China that wanted to grow strong. Chinese critics from the 1930s have generally agreed that Ibsenism was an essential part of Hu Shi's philosophy of life. The basic premise of Hu's Ibsenism was his assertion, that Ibsen pitted the individual against society in an extreme and forceful manner. According to Hu, Ibsen attributed to society evil intentions that might not be deliberate, but were unavoidable. Hu claimed that society could not progress if it did not contain the yeast of the strong individual. His exposure, in plays like Ghosts and The wild duck, of the evil forces within society. His protest against all that was moribund in the old society was set in an artistically acceptable framework that made his exposition very forceful. His creation of strong individuals serving as fresh streams in a backwater and scapegoats for society's anger. His offer of a remedy that was sufficiently loose to be applicable also in China. Tam Kwok-kan : Hu Shi attacks the Confucian moral order as a dying institution in China. He cites Ibsen's revolutionary ideas in denouncing traditional Chinese institution of law, religion, and morality which are all based on the Confucian concept of role-self, and he regards them as social evils culminating in selfishness, slavishness, falsehood, and cowardice. The individual is seen as always being repressed by society, and Hu Shi thinks that only when traditional society collapses will the individual be freed from the repression of all traditional bondage. Hu Shi believed that the events described in Ibsen's plays have correspondence in the real world. Realism is not treated as a technique with the purpose of creating illusions. Realism was regarded by many Chinese dramatists shallowly as a reflection on stage of an event that could be found in real life. In terms of acting, this kind of external realism has the advantage of breaking away from the traditional Chinese theatre, which is symbolic and impressionistic in style. Hu Shi's interpretation of Nora's decision to leave home was influenced by George Bernard Shaw. He interpreted Nora as a feminist work and argued that Nora suddenly discovered that the family was a stage for monkey performances and that she herself was simply one of the performers. Hu Shi further said that Nora had 'the courage to tear off the mask, say goodby to the stage manager and jump down from the stage to live her own life, but on the other hand Mrs. Alving in Ghosts was a coward and thus she was persuaded by the pastor to return home and resume her role as a housewife'. He Chengzhou : That he applauds Ibsen, says Hu, is because "he tells us the truth, describing the various evil situations of society so that we can have a close look at them". Hu Shi summarizes the subjects Ibsen has discussed in his plays, namely family, the social power factors (law, religon and morals) and the relationship between individual and society. At almost every point, his summary ends with an uncontrollable angry abuse of the related Chinese reality. In the last section of his essay, Hu Shi explains explicitly what he thinks Ibsenism means. "We are moved by Ibsen's descriptions of family and society and realize that our family and society are in facto so currupted that reform becomes really indispensable. And this is Ibsenism." |
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| 10 | 1919 |
Hu, Shi. Zhong shen da shi = The greatest event in life. In : Xin Qing nian (1919). Einakter. Erstes modernes chinesisches Theaterstück, das von Nora von Henrik Ibsen beeinflusst wurde. 终身大事 |
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| 11 | 1919.11 |
Hu, Shih [Hu, Shi]. Introductory note. [Dewey, John. Lectures in China, 1919-1920]. Nov. 1919. Dr. John Dewey has recently completed two series of lectures in Peking, one on “Social and Political Philosophy,” the other on “A Philosophy of Education.” Dr. Dewey’s philosophy of education is so well known that no introduction to it is required; but I do wish to make a few remarks about his lectures on “Social and Political Philosophy.” The philosophy of pragmatism, with which Dr. Dewey's name is iden¬tified, has been the subject of a number of systematic statements, among them the work of William James in psychology, the work of Dewey him¬self and of Ferdinand Canning Scott Schiller in logic, the work of Dewey and James Hayden Tufts in ethics, and, of course, Dewey’s own monu-mental work in education. Only in the field of political philosophy has there not yet appeared any single systematic work which treats the subject from the viewpoint of pragmatism. It is true that the political theory of Graham Wallas and Harold Laski in England, and of Walter Lippmann in the United States of America, strongly reflects the influence of pragmatism; but, until now, a formal, coherent statement of a pragmatic philosophy of politics has been lacking. It was for this reason that I suggested to Dr. Dewey, earlier this year when he and I were discussing his forthcoming lecture series in China, that this might be an appropriate opportunity for him to formulate a coherent statement of a social and political philosophy based in pragmatism, elements of which have been suggested in his writings increasingly during the last decade. Dr. Dewey thought that my suggestion was a good one, and the result is this series of sixteen lectures. I hope that those who were in the audi¬ences when these lectures were delivered, as well as the readers of the printed version of the lectures herewith presented, are cognizant of their rare good fortune in sharing in Dr. Dewey's initial formal statement of his social and political philosophy. As Dr. Dewey delivered his lectures in English I interpreted them sen¬tence by sentence into Chinese for the benefit of members of his audiences who did not understand English. My Chinese interpretation was recorded by my friend, I-han Kao. Dr. Dewey intends to revise and expand his original lecture notes for publication in book form. When his manuscript is complete, I hope to translate it into Chinese, so that both English and Chinese versions can be published at the same time. It is inevitable that in material so complex as these lectures on-the-spot oral interpretation and simultaneous recording should result in certain inaccuracies and inadequacies. For such errors and omissions Professor I-han Kao and I offer our apologies, both to Dr. Dewey and to the read¬ing public. |
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| 12 | 1919 |
Hu, Shi. Shi yan zhu yi. [ID D28586]. [Experimentalismus]. Hu Shi zitiert John Dewey in leicht gekürzter Form In fünf Punkten : 1) Die Vertreter der früheren Strömungen gehen davon aus, dass Erfahrung durch und durch Erkennen ist. 2) Früher vertrat man die Meinung, dass die Erfahrung etwas Psychisches und völlig 'Subjektives' sei. 3) Früher erkannte man über die gegenwärtige Situation hinaus nur eine Vergangenheit an und vertrat die Position, dass die Erfahrung letztlich aus Erinnertem besteht. 4) Die Erfahrung in ihrer früheren Form war partikular. 5) Traditionell betrachtete man die Erfahrung und das Denken als absolute Gegensätze. Er schreibt : "Die grundlegende Vorstellung der Philosophie Dewey besagt : 'Erfahrung ist Leben, Leben ist Auseinandersetzung mit der Umgebung', aber hinsichtlich der Auseinandersetzung (ying fu) mit der Umgebung gibt es unterschiedliche Niveaus… Der Mensch ist ein Lebewesen, das Wissen besitzt und denken kann ; wenn er den Weg verliert, klettert er weder nervös noch hektisch den Baum hinauf, er nimmt das Fernglas oder sucht den Bach und findet dem Wasser folgend den Weg hinaus. Das Leben des Menschen ist achtenswert, weil der Mensch die Denkfähigkeit besitzt, sich mit seiner Umgebung auf höchster Stufe auseinanderzusetzen. Deshalb ist die grundlegend Vorstellung der Philosophie Dewey : 'Das reflektierende Denken (zhi shi si xiang) ist das Werkzeug, mit dem der Mensch sich mit einer Umgebung auseinandersetzt'. Das reflektierende Denken ist ein täglich benötigtes, unentbehrliches Werkzeug des menschlichen Lebens, und keineswegs Spielzeug und Luxusartikel der Philosophen. Das Denken, von dem Dewey spricht, hat die Funktion, ausgehend von bereits Bekanntem auf andere Dinge, Angelegenheiten oder Wahrheiten zu schliessen. Diese Funktion wird in der Logik 'Schlussfolgerung' (inference) genannt. Schlussfolgerung bedeutet lediglich von bereits Bekanntem auf noch Unbekanntes schliessen…" Hu Shi folgt in der Darstellung der fünf Stufen des 'analytischen Denkens bei Dewey den Vorgaben seines Lehrers : a) Als Ausgangspunkt benötigt man eine verwirrende, schwierige Situation. b) Durch Überlegen und Sondieren versucht man neue Dinge oder neue Erkenntnisse herauszufinden, um diese verwirrende Schwierigkeit zu lösen. 1) Der Ausgangspunkt des Denkens ist eine schwierige Situation. 2) Festlegen, worin die Schwierigkeit tatsächlich liegt. 3) Verschiedene hypothetische Lösungsmethoden darlegen. 4) Eine Hypothese als geeignete Lösung bestimmen. 6) Der Beweis. Hu Shi concretely analyzed and explained the five steps in the ideological methodology of John Dewey : 1) knotty circumstances ; 2) pointing out exactly where the knotty points are ; 3) imagining the methods for resolving various knotty points ; 4) imagining the results of each such method to see which one can resolve the difficulties ; 5) proving this kind of solution is believable, or proving this kind of solution is wrong and unbelievable. |
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| 13 | 1919.03 |
Conference held by the Ministry of Education. Hu Shi made a detailed introduction to John Dewey's pragmatism. Such publicity and introduction has created a 'Dewey craze' even before Dewey came to China, and the far and wide spread of his educational philosophy could be predicted. Hu Shi found the 'practical philosophy' he was looking for in Dewey's pragmatism. His 1919 lecture introducing pragmatism, Hu refers approvingly to Dewey's comment that 'philosophy recovers itself when it ceases to be a device for dealing with the problems of philosophers and becomes a method, cultivated by philosophers, for dealing with the problems of men'. |
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| 14 | 1919.05.04 |
4. Mai Bewegung = May fourth movement : John Dewey was as sympathetic to the workers as he was to the students. His Chicago colleagues' disapproval of the strike correlated with Hu Shi's negative opinion about the student revolt. Hu insisted that the students should devote themselves to their studies rather than to politics ; Dewey endorsed the student's revolt as a gesture of righteous indignation. Dewey was glad for young China because it now realized, that it did not need to be saved from without. Nonetheless, Dewey knew that merely resorting to protests and rebellions would not bring about constructive change. In the new press, all kinds of Western social and political theories were translated and discussed, including anarchism, liberalism, socialism, Marxism and Dewey's own pragmatism. Even though Dewey questioned the students' interest in Marxism, he acknowledged their overall intellectual enthusiasm. Even though Dewey recognized the importance of cultural reform, he had doubts about such a single-minded approach. Unlike the Chinese intellectuals, he did not establish an arbitrary dualism between cultural and political reform. He acknowledged the importance of Western learning and sensed a more pressing need for China to develop her industry. He thought that Chinese intellectuals were too preoccupied with absorbing new thoughts and new theories to accomplish any effective political or practical change. Dewey's dream for a true political revolution following the May fourth student demonstration did not materialize. He understood that the salvation of China depended not so much on the few intellectuals in the cities as on the ordinary men and women throughout China. |
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| 15 | 1919.07 |
Hu, Shi. Wen ti yu zhu yi. [More talk of problems, less talk of Isms]. The article was directly based on John Dewey's pragmatic method of thinking. "All valuable thinking starts with this or that concrete problem. To study the many facts connected with our many-sided problems, to look for the specific ills, is the first step in thinking. And then, to propose different methods of solution, which are based on our accumulated life experiences and knowledge, to suggest the many ways of healing the illness, is the second step in thinking. Afterwards, to infer the results of every kind of possible solutions, as well as whether these results will really solve our present difficulties and problems, and to choose, on the basis of this inference, a hypothetic solution, and consider it to be my opinion, is the third step in thinking. All valuable thinking has to pass through these three steps. Here in China a number of people have asked me, 'Where should we start in reforming our society ? ' My answer is that we must start by reforming the component institutions of the society. Families, schools, local governments, the central government – all these must be reformed, but they must be reformed by people who constitute them, working as individuals – in collaboration with other individuals, of course, but sill as individuals, each accepting his own responsibility. And claim of the total reconstruction of a society is almost certain to be misleading. Social progress is neither an accident nor a miracle ; it is the sum of efforts made by individuals whose actions are guided by intelligence." |
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| 16 | 1920 |
[Dewey, John]. Duwei wu da jiang yan. Hu Shi yi. [ID D25871]. [Five major lecture series of John Dewey in Beijing]. Hu Shi : "Dr. Dewey intends to revise and expand his original lecture notes for publication in book form. When his manuscript is complete, I hope to translate it into Chinese, so that both English and Chinese versions can be published at the same time." Robert W. Clopton : Unfortunately this intention was not carried out. Dewey's lectures were published in Chinese, many of them in the Bulletin of the Ministry of Education. Dewey referred in his lecture on ethics to Sun Yat-sen's theory : 'To practice means to seek knowledge. A theory must be tested before it becomes accurate. I fully agreed with the great Chinese statesman Dr. Sun Yat-sen, when he said the old saying, 'to know is easy ; to act is difficult' has contributed a great deal to the backwardness of China, because under the influence of the saying people have become lazy and hesitant to do anything. It is true that we cannot always anticipate with accuracy the consequences of what we do. But this is no warrant for us to sit idle. The more we try doing something, the more experience we have and therefore the more knowledge we can get. The attempt to get knowledge apart from doing and applying it in a practical situation never will succeed. Jessica Wang : Hu Shi's translations seem highly problematic – mostly in style and tone and occasionally in content. Hu's eloquent, pompous, and proselytizing style marked a dramatic difference from Dewey's usually unassuming and unimposing style. I do not mean to suggest that Hu Shi intended to distort Dewey's lectures, nor do I mean to imply that the records of Dewey's lectures in China were largely fabricated and unreliable. Nonetheless, we may reasonably believe that Hu may have occasionally altered the meanings of what Dewey said to highlight a particular point or to promote a certain agenda. Even though these occasional anomalies may seem minor, they eventually affected the way Chinese intellectuals responded to Dewey. |
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| 17 | 1920 |
Hu, Shi. Wen xue gai liang chu yi. In : Xin qing nian ; vol. 2, no 5 (1917). While doing his Ph.D. work under Dewey, Hu Shi argued in this article, that 'wenyan' was no longer compatible with the Chinese modern experience and that 'baihua' – the vernacular – should be used to revitalize Chinese language and literature. Dewey's presence in China's intellectual scene provided that dimension of understanding. That is, the use of 'baihua' was both a means and an end. To argue that 'baihua' is a tool for expressing ideas was correct, but partial, for language is not only a tool : language means communication and by communication we life and an associative life is formed. Dewey gave hig regards to the New Culture Movement occasioned by language reform. He accepted Hu Shi's thesis that the 'Baihua' Movement embraced Chinese enlightenment. Dewey began to see the fundamental problem in China in the matter of poor and ineffective communication, which in turn would explain many of China's social problems. 'Communication' therefore offered a unique perspective for Dewey to analyze situations in China, and this approach differentiated Dewey fundamentally from many of his Chinese followers and Western thinkers. To discredit the Confucian family system as a defective system of language and communication became the starting point in Dewey's construction of a new Chinese mind. The 'Baihua' Movement was introduced because 'baihua' could facilitate the expression of new ideas. |
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| 18 | 1921 | Hu Shi wrote in his diary : "I went to visit Zhao Yuanren at noon. He's about to finish the translation of Alice's adventures in wonderland : a real masterpiece !" | |
| 19 | 1922 |
Hu, Shi. Hu Shi wen cun. (Shanghai : Ya dong tu shu guan, 1922). 胡適文存 Ding Zijiang : Hu Shi attempted to treat John Dewey's scientific method as a precondition for resolving China's social and cultural problems. The establishment of a scientific tradition in China was a result of interactions between Hu's psychological need to have a Chinese resource for facing the superior culture of America, and his intellectual need to construct a reformist means for the drastic purpose of Deweyanizing China. Before Hu adopted Dewey's experimentalism, his view of Confucianism and Chinese cultural traditions were by no means negative, since later he began formulating a 'way' to reform them. This 'way' was based on Dewey's scientific method. Hu's discovery of Dewey decisively transformed his previous simple, vague, tentative, but genuinely reformist attitude into a clear and straightforward advocacy of reformist means to westernize China according to the model of modernity and modernization provided by Dewey's early philosophical framework. Because Dewey argued for gradual social and cultural change, Hu wanted China's development to follow this path to avoid the Russian style of revolution. For Dewey, China needed gradual and peaceful reform, not radical and violent revolution, since 'reformation' is a very efficient type of experiment or instrument for socio-political transitions. Hu intended to adopt Dewey's experimentalism to make an 'overall transformation' to Chinese culture, not only for socio-political change, but also for almost all fields of culture, including language, literature, and thought patterns, such as 'the poetry revolution', 'the vernacular movement' and the 'Chinese logic method'. Hu Shi followed his pragmatic master in seeking an 'ever-enduring process of perfecting' rather than perfection. Accordingly, he said it was requisite for the progress of the present society to uphold natural science and pragmatic philosophy and to abolish superstition and fantasy. Although Hu Shi devoted himself to spreading Dewey's experimentalism, his efforts were not as successful as expected. |
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| 20 | 1924 |
Hu, Shi. Wu shi nian lai zhi shi jie zhe xue shi. [Weltphilosophie der letzten 50 Jahre]. [ID D28639]. Hu Shi schreibt eine Analyse über die historischen Überlegungen John Deweys : "Dewey zeigt in diesen Abschnitten auf, dass die antike und die neuzeitliche Haltung hinsichtlich der 'Erfahrung' deshalb differiert, weil die praktischen Erfahrungen der Menschen früher und heute in der Tat völlig voneinander abweichen. Die Erfahrung der Menschen in der Antike ist passiv, konservativ und blind, deshalb schätzen die Philosophen der Antike die Vernunft und die geistige Erfahrung besonders hoch. Unter dem Einfluss der experimentellen Wissenschaft führte die Erfahrung des heutigen Menschen zur aktiven Kontrolle der Natur, zum nach vorne gerichteten Suchen nach Erneuerung und zum bewusst [durchgeführten] Plan und Experiment. Dewey zeigt auf, dass die von den Kantianern angenommene Vernunft wirklich ausgedient hat. Vernunft, [das heisst] Intelligenz, ist die lebendige Anwendung der Erfahrung, darüber hinaus gibt es keine weitere Vernunft." "Der wichtigste Beitrag Darwins und Huxleys hinsichtlich der philosophischen Methode besteht in deren 'Agnostizismus' (cun yi zhu yi). Der Begriff Agnostizismus wurde von Huxley geschaffen, wörtlich übersetzt 'Nicht-Wissen-Ismus' (bu zhi zhu yi). Konfuzius sprach : 'Das, was man Weiss, für Wissen halten und das, was man nich weiss, für Nicht-Wissen halten, das ist Wissen'. Dieses Zitat ist wirklich eine gute Erklärung des 'Agnostizismus'. Aber die Wissenschaftler der Neuzeit gehen noch einen Schritt weiter, sie wollen fragen : 'Welches Wissen kann erst als nicht anzweifelbares Wissen gelten ? ' Huxley sagt, erst jenes ausreichend bewiesene Wissen kann man glauben, all das, was nicht ausreichend bewiesen werden kann, kann nur als Zweifel, aber nicht als Glauben gelten. Das ist das Hauptprinzip des Agnostizismus. Huxleys zentraler Punkt ist die Betonung des Beweises. Hinsichtlich jedes Aberglaubens, jeder Überlieferung hat er nur eine Kampfwaffe : das 'Heranziehen von Beweisen'. Obwohl diese Haltung in der Tat eine wissenschaftliche ist, ist sie jedoch nur ein Aspekt der wissenschaftlichen Methode, sie umfasst nur den negativen, zerstörerischen Aspekt. Huxley hat noch nicht den gesamten Bedeutungsgehalt der wissenschaftlichen Methode im Denken verstanden. Er verfasste noch ein kurzes Vorwort, in welchem er darauf hinweist, dass im vierten Kapitel des vorliegenden Bandes Descartes die unabdingbaren Bedingungen des wissenschaftlichen Urteils aufzeigt ; die übrigen acht Kapitel beschreiben alle die späteren Ergebnisse, die durch die Anwendung der Descartschen Methode auf jeden Aspekt [erzielt wurden]. Aber die Methode von Descartes besteht nur aus dem Wort 'Zweifel' ; Huxley hebt klar und deutlich hervor, dass Descartes' Methode lediglich darin besteht, keine Bereitschaft zu zeigen, einem Begriff Glauben zu schenken, der nicht völlig klar und verständlich ist. Sie besteht lediglich darin, das Wort 'Zweifel' von der sündhaften Position [zu befreien] und in die Verantwortung zu heben. Huxley erkannte deutlich, dass das Wort 'Zweifel' das Zentrum des wissenschaftlichen Geistes ist." "Henri Bergson vertritt auch eine Art Evolutionslehre, welche er 'kreative Evolution' (chuang zao de jin hua) nennt. Diese Lehre setzt einen dualen Ursprung voraus : ein Aspekt ist jene tote, passive Materie ; ein Aspekt ist jener 'élan vital' (Sheng huo de chong dong). Leben besteht lediglich in der Neigung, die Funktion / Anwendung dieses ursprünglichen Impulses in der Materie anzuregen. Dieser ursprüngliche Impuls ist die eigentliche Ursache der biologischen Evolution (sheng wu yan hua)." |
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| 21 | 1926 | Gründung des China Institute in America in New York, N.Y. durch Kuo Pingwen, John Dewey und Hu Shi. |
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| 22 | 1930 |
Hu, Shi. Jie shao wo zi ji de si xiang (1930). [Introducing my own thought]. "Mr. [John] Dewey taught me how to think ; he taught me to think with strict regard to the antecedents and consequences of thought, to consider all schools of thought and concepts as mere hypotheses waiting for proof. Dewey and Huxley enabled me to understand the nature and function of the scientific method." It was also with Dewey that Hu received his systematic introduction to the function and significance of science and its method. Science, for Hu as for Dewey, was the whole realm of observational and experimental methods. It was a new philosophy of life which was 'built on the scientific knowledge of the past two or three hundred years'. |
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| 23 | 1931 |
Hu Shi proposed the plan for translating The complete works of William Shakespeare : 1. Invite Wen Yiduo, Liang Shiqiu, Chen Tongbo, Ye Gongchao, and Xu Zhimo to organize a committee for the translation of The complete works of William Shakespeare, with Wen Yiduo as chairman of the committee. 2. The time frame for completing the translations is tentatively set at five years. 3. The committee is totally responsible for the manuscripts of the translations. After the completion of the translation of each play, the manuscript will be sent to the other four committee members for careful editing, to include correction and polishing. The editing of each play by each individual should take no more than three months. 4. During the summer vacation each year, members of the committee should get together and discuss all problems concerning the translations. 5. It is inconvenient to set one style for the translations, but in general, prose with rhythm should be used. It should be noted that the translation should not use paraphrase. Whenever there are difficulties in rendering the original into Chinese, detailed notes should be given. 6. The translations of proper nouns should be consistent throughout the project. Each should make a copy of his transliterations in the form of a table alphabetized according to the original and send it o one translator who will sort them all out and make the transliterations of each proper noun identical overall. 7. Concerning the funding, the total amount for the project is tentatively set at XX yuan. There are three kinds of expenses: (1) translators’ remuneration, tentatively set at XX yuan per play ; total remuneration for each play (including the remuneration for the translator and the four editors) will be XX yuan ; (2) books, approximately XX yuan ; and (3) sundry fees, approximately XX yuan (including paper for making drafts, travel expenses for the annual meetings, committee expenses, etc.). 8. Payment of remuneration in advance : no more than XX yuan per month per person. If the translation of a play cannot be completed within six months, then no advance payment will be given to the translator. 9. When translating, the translator can make detailed annotations to the English original. In the future, another reader of the annotated Shakespeare plays may be published. The methods of remuneration and publication of this reader are to be determined later. 10. If anyone outside the committee has translated a Shakespeare play and is willing to submit it to the committee for review, the committee can accept this translation and review it for him. If such a translation is very good, the committee can edit and publish it and then decide on the means of compensating the translator. |
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| 24 | 1932 |
Dem Andenken Spinozas. In : Deutsch-chinesische Nachrichten ; Sonderausgabe, 24. Nov. (1932). "Selten erheben sich in unseren Tagen Stimmen der selbstlosen und unabhängigen Humanität, besonders selten klingen sie nach China hinüber aus den Ländern, die ihrerseits mit Leibenschaft und Selbstverständlichkeit die höchsten Werte philosophischen Denkens zu ihrer Belehrung und Bereicherung aus China hinübernahmen. Sei es der Stimme Spinozas vergönnt, ein edler Dank zu sein für das Edle, das es Europa gab ! Sei die Stimme Spinozas für China das selten gehörte, aber stets wirksame Bekenntnis Europas zu der Wahrheit, dass sich derselbe Himmel über Europa und China wölbt." Marian Galik : The German part begins with the most diverse thoughts expressed about Spinoza between the years 1770 till 1831 by his propagator Goethe, follows with exceprts from Herder's Einige Gespräche über Spinozas System and winds up with the fragment Der Tod des Spinoza from the novel Amor dei von K.B. Kolbenheyer. The Chinese version starts with the Chinese ode Si bin no sha yu [Admiration before Spinoza's portrait] by He Lin. Then follows the Chinese translation of Spinoza's biograhy by Jean Maximillien Lucas. Then follows Si bin no sha yu Zhuangzi [Spinoza and Zuangzi] by Hu Shi and Si bin no sha zhi zheng zhi zhe xue [Spinoza's political philosophy by Zhang Junmai. The 'Festschrift' carried also the first chapter of Ethics in the translation of He Lin and the chapter XX of Tractatus theologico-politicus by Li Shuli (Pseud.). Hu Shi begins his essay by noting the great similarity between Zhuangzi's and Spinoza's philosophy. "Would it not be a pleasant and rewarding work to investigate in what Spinoza and Zhuangzi agree and in what they differ, and why they agree or differ in individual pints ?" According to Hu Shi, Spinoza and Zhuangzi agree most in pantheism. That omnipresent Zhuangzi calls Way (Tao), and Spinoza God (Shen). Even though both make use of different terms, they nevertheless have something very similar in mind. Spinoza's word God is very close indeed in its significance to Zhuangzi's Way and is remote from the normal Christian or Jewish interpretation. Spinoza's God is 'substance' and here Hu Shi quotes from Spinoza's Ethics : it is something "which is in itself and is conceived through itself". Hu Shi sees Spinoza's concept of God or Nature as self-crating (natura naturans) in Zhuangi's self-creating Way that "gave spirituality to the spirits and gods". The second point of contact between Zhuangzi and Spinoza is, according to Hu Shi, in determinism, and this in absolute determinism. In his view, Zhuangzi and Spinoza differ in their approach to logic. Zhuangzi "did not scold over right and wrong", Spinoza believed in his "mathematico-logical" method and considered it to be absolutely reliable in determining what is 'right' and 'wrong' or 'good' and 'bad'. Hu Shi does not document Spinoza's divergent view from the latter's philosophy, but from his life. He points out the fairly known case of Spinoza's sister who, on the death of their father, tried to appropriate the entire legacy. Spinoza won the lawsuit, but he renounced his share in favour of his sister. He was not interested in the inheritance, but held to show clearly the evident difference between 'right' and 'wrong', 'justice' and 'injustice'. As to Spinoza's political philosophy, Hu Shi just does not refer to it by a single word. But he equally fails to make any reference to Zhuangzi's political views. Zhang Junmai's essay Spinoza's political philosophy begins with a brief introduction into Spinoza's philosophy. It takes note of similar problems as Hu Shih : pantheism, determinism and others, for example, a mechanistic apprehension of the world-political issues are taken up in the second part. Zhang distinguishes two types of political scientists - those following Plato, who aim rather at ideal aspects of government, and those who are for Aristotle, concerned rather with the practical side. Spinoza belongs to the latter type. Zhang Junmai begins his analysis of Spinoza's political philosophy with a criticism of the first type of philosophers when he writes that they think of people "not as they are, but as they would like them to be", thus making use of Spinoza's own words. The result is that this most real of sciences, Zhang Junmai thus calls political science, does not originate in human nature and its expression in practical life. Zhang follows up with intent Chapter I of Spinoza's Tractatus politicus and applies his mind to politics. Human passions, like love and hate, jealousy, anger, pride, these he does not consider to be vices of human nature, but the properties as heat and cold, wind and storm. This, according to him, Spinoza holds in common with modern philosophy. The latter too is concerned with an objective, scientific approach to social phenomena. Zhang Junmai devoted about two thirds of his essay to three important questions of Spinoza's philosophy: that of the identity of the concept of right and power, that of the state of nature and political State, and the question of the freedom of thought and speech. While in the first part of his essay Zhang adhered strictly to the Tractatus politicus, now he calls to his aid also the Tractatus theologico-politicus. The statement concerning the identity of right and power is taken from the first book, while concrete illustration to it comes from Spinoza's second work. Both of them, power and right, are bound by a relationship of reciprocity. Right is determined by power. Man may enjoy as much right as he is able to win for himself or maintain ("he has as much right as he has power and strength"). Zhang illustrates this Spinoza's axiom from Spinoza's work about fish swimming in the water. Their life is determined by their presence in the natural element. At the same time big fish eat small ones, and with perfect right. Spinoza speaks of natural power and right. One has as much (natural) right as he has (natural) power. And Spinoza considers also man, as long as he is not firmly set in some State framework, only as a part of nature, "Right is the sphere of man's free movement", writes Zhang Junmai, faithfully interpreting Spinoza, "there is no other [right] except that whose basis is formed by power". Considerations on State formations lead Zhang to the lenghtiest part of his essay that deals with the State, or the so-called contract, or social contract. In this part he compares Spinoza's views on social contract with those of Th. Hobbes, J. Locke and J.J. Rousseau. He could not be said to stick up for anyone of them. Naturally, Zhang's attention is focused on Spinoza's views on social contract and he justifies them from a relatively wide angle as being the consequence of Spinoza's methaphysics and his view on the psychophysical habitus of the "political animal". Zhang's longest quotation from Spinoza and its application to Chinese conditions of the time: "The best condition of a commonwealth (imperimn) is easily discovered from the purpose of political order: which is simply peace and security of life. Accordingly, the best commonwealth is one in which men live in harmony and the laws are kept unbroken. Rebellions, wars, and contemptuous disregard for law must certainly be attributed to the corrupt conditions of the commonwealth rather than to the wickedness of its subjects. For citizens are not born, but made. Besides, men's natural passions are the same everywhere; hence, if wickedness is more dominant and crime more prevalent in one commonwealth than in another, this certainly is due to the fact that the first has not done enough to promote harmony, has not framed its laws with sufficient foresight... For a political order which has not removed the causes of civil strife, where war is a constant threat, and laws are often broken, differs little from a veritable state of nature, where everyone lives as he pleases with great danger to his life." Zhang Junmai applies these thoughts directly to China. He says that "our country still lives in barbarism and cannot even be called a State". Zhang deals not of "barbarism" any more, but of an ideal State, such as was, for example, the city of Amsterdam in Spinoza's time. In his exposition of the freedom of thought and speech, he adheres to Spinoza, but distorts him so some extent : he sets the ideal of a free development of the individual largely in an antithesis to the governing system of the society. Zhang further states in agreement with Spinoza that the people have a right to the freedom of though and speech, but again distorts him in a certain measure when he says that this freedom 'cannot extend to acts'. According to Zhang, an analysis of things is a matter of 'right' and 'wrong' and belongs to the competence of philosophers and scholars, and who incites the masses against government is a 'rioter and rebel'. To maintain order and peace, the State must punish these rioters and rebels. Zhang Junmai's essay was related to the fight for bourgeois democracy directly, even though it was not a consisten fight. He has distorted Spinoza's message in order to avoid direct confrontation with Chiang Kaishek and not to have to sympathize with the struggle of the Chinese communists. His demands for freedom of thought and speech must be evaluated as a very progressive one for that period. |
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| 25 | 1937-1942 | Hu Shi ist Botschafter der chinesischen Botschaft in Amerika. |
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| 26 | 1946-1949 | Hu Shi ist Rektor der Beijing-Universität. |
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| 27 | 1950-1952 | Hu Shi ist Kurator der Gest Library an der Princeton University. |
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| 28 | 1952 |
Hu, Shi. Duwei zhe xue. (1952). [ID D28685]. Dewey vertrat die Ansicht, dass Logik nichts anderes sei al seine Theorie der Untersuchung (A theory of inquiry). Von daher weicht seine Logik von der früheren Logik ab. Die frühere Logik beinhaltet die deduktive und die induktive Methode, den Obersatz, den Untersatz, die Suche nach Gemeinsamkeiten, Unterschieden und wechselseitigen Übereinstimmungen und Differenzen. Die sogenannte formale Logik (xing shi de luo ji). Diese Logik stützt sich allein auf den Beweis (lun zheng), sie wurde zu einer Form des Beweises, deshalb nannte Dewey sie 'Logik' (lun li xue). Sie ist formal, sie ist logisch (lun li)… Seit dem 19. Jahrhundert konzentrieren sich die Philosophen im Besonderen auf die induktive Methode der Logik. Dewey sagt : das könne nicht funktionieren ; die Methode des Denkens ist keine formale Methode ; der Mensch muss jederzeit auf die wahren Schwierigkeiten und die lebendigen Probleme reagieren und kann sich nicht an mechanische Formen klammern. |
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| 29 | 1958-1962 | Hu Shi ist Präsident des Academia Sinica Research Institute in Taipei. |
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| 30 | 1959 |
Hu, Shi. John Dewey in China [ID D28461]. John Dewey was born October 20, 1859, and died in 1952, in his ninety-third year. This coming October there will be a celebration of the Centennial of his birth in many parts of the free world. Forty years ago, early in 1919, Professor Dewey and his wife, Alice, left the United States for a trip to the Far East. The trip was to be solely for pleasure. But, before their departure from San Francisco, Dewey was invited by cable to give a series of lectures at the Imperial University of Tokyo and later at other centers of higher learning in Japan. While in Japan, he received a joint invitation from five educational bodies in China to lecture in Peking, Nanking, Shanghai, and other cities. He ac¬cepted the invitation, and the Deweys arrived in Shanghai on May I, 1919- just three days before the outburst of the Student Movement on May 4th in Peking. That was the Student Movement which is often referred to as 'The May Fourth Movement'. It was the Student Movement and its successes and failures that so much intrigued the Deweys that they changed their original plan to return to America after the summer months and decided to spend a full year in China. Dewey applied to Columbia University for a year's leave of absence, which was granted, and which was subsequently extended to two years. So, he spent a total of two years and two months in China, from May, 1919, to July, 1921. When Miss Evelyn Dewey wrote in her Preface to the volume of Dr. and Mrs. Dewey's letters that 'the fascination of the struggle going on in China for a unified and independent democracy caused them to alter their plan to return to the United States in the summer of 1919', she was referring to their keen interest in the Student Movement. It is in order, therefore, to give a brief sketch of the May Fourth Movement and its nationweide influence as background of this talk on John Dewey in China. World War I had ended only a few months before, and the Peace Conference in Paris was drafting the final terms of the peace treaty. The Chinese people had hoped that, with Woodrow Wilson's idealistic 'Fourteen Points' still echoing throughout the world, China might have some of her grievances redressed at the Peace Conference. But in the first days of May, 1919, authentic reports began to reach China that President Wilson had failed to render his moral support to China's demand that the former German possessions and concessions in Shantung be restored to China; and that the Peace Conference had decided to leave the Shantung question to Japan to settle with China. The Chinese delegation was helpless; the Chinese government was powerless. The people were disappointed and disheartened, but helpless. On Sunday, May 4th, the students in Peking called a mass meeting of all colleges and secondary schools to protest against the Paris decision and to call on the government to instruct the Chinese delegation in Paris to refuse to accept it. The whole thing was a spontaneous and unpremeditated outburst of youthful patriotism. The communists’ claim that 'the May Fourth Movement' was a part of the World Revolution and was planned and led by Chinese communists is sheerly a big lie. There was no communist in China in 1919. After the speeches and resolutions, the mass meeting decided on a demon¬stration parade which ended in forcing the closed gates of the house of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, who had been notorious for his pro-Japanese policies. The marching students went into the house and beat up one of the luncheon guests, who happened to be the Chinese Minister to Tokyo, recalled for consultation. In the turmoil, the house was set on fire—probably to frighten away the demonstrators. A number of students were arrested on their way back to their schools. That was what happened on the fourth of May, forty years ago. The Deweys were still in Shanghai when the news of the Peking student movement was first published and was immediately arousing sympathetic responses from students and the general public all over the country. When the Deweys arrived in Peking, they saw the student movement at its highest moments during the first days of June. Hundreds of students were making speeches in the streets, preaching to the people that China could regain her lost rights by boycotting Japanese goods. On June 5, the Deweys wrote to their daughters at home: 'This is Thursday morning, and last night we heard that about a thousand students were arrested the day before. They had filled the building of Law [of the National Peking University, used as a temporary ‘prison’], and have begun on the Science building.' Later, on the same day, they reported the most astonishing news: 'In the evening, a telephone call came that the tents [of the soldiers] around the university buildings where the students were imprisoned had been struck and the soldiers were leaving. Then the students inside held a meeting and passed a resolution asking the government whether they were guaranteed freedom of speech, because if they were not, they would not leave the building merely to be arrested again, as they planned to go on speaking. So they em¬barrassed the government by remaining in 'jail' all night.' The Deweys later explained that the government's ignominious surrender was due to the fact that the merchants in Shanghai had called a strike the day before as a protest against the arrest of the thousand students. And they re¬marked: 'This is a strange country. The so-called republic is a joke… But in some ways there is more democracy than we have. Leaving out the women, there is complete social equality. And while the legislature is a perfect farce, public opinion, when it does express itself, as at the present time, has re¬markable influence.' On June 16, the Deweys wrote home that the three pro-Japanese high officials (including the Minister of Foreign Affairs) had resigned from the government, and the students' strike had been called off. On July 2, they wrote home: 'The anxiety here is tense. The report is that the [Chinese] Delegates did not sign [the Peace Treaty].' Two days later, they wrote: 'You can't imagine what it means here for China not to have signed [the Peace Treaty]. The entire government had been for it. The President up to ten days before the signing said it was necessary [to sign]. It was a victory for public opinion, and all set going by these little schoolboys and girls.' I have quoted these letters to show a part of the first impressions Dr. and Mrs. Dewey had during their first two or three months in Peking. Somehow, this 'strange country' had a strange appeal to them. They decided to stay on, for a year at first, and finally for two years and two months. They visited 11 of the 22 provinces—4 provinces in the North, 5 in Central China, from Shanghai to Changsha, and 2 in the South, A word may be said about the preparations made for the reception of Dewey's lectures. A month before his arrival in China, I was asked by the sponsoring organizations to give a series of four lectures on the Pragmatic Movement, beginning with Charles S. Peirce and William James, but with special emphasis on Dewey. A series of articles on Dewey's educational philos¬ophy was published in Shanghai under the editorship of Dr. Chiang Monlin, one of his students in Teachers’ College at Columbia. A number of Dewey's students were asked to interpret his lectures in the Chinese language. For example, I was his translator and interpreter for all his lectures in Peking and in the provinces of Shantung and Shansi. For his several major series of lectures, we also selected competent recorders for re¬porting every lecture in full for the daily newspapers and periodicals. What came to be known as 'Dewey’s Five Major Series of Lectures' in Peking, total¬ing 58 lectures, were recorded and reported in full and later published in book form, going through ten large reprintings before Dewey left China in 1921, and continuing to be reprinted for three decades until the communists put a stop to them. The topics of the Five Series will give some idea of the scope and content of Dewey's lectures: I. 3 lectures on Modern Tendencies in Education II. 16 lectures on Social and Political Philosophy III. 16 lectures on Philosophy of Education IV. 15 lectures on Ethics V. 8 lectures on Types of Thinking His lectures in Peking included two other series: VI. 3 lectures on Democratic Developments in America VII. 3 lectures on Three Philosophers of the Modern Period (William James, Henri Bergson, Bertrand Russell—these lectures were given at special request as an introduction to Russell before the latter's arrival in China in 1920 to deliver a number of lectures.) Dewey's lectures in Nanking included these series: 1. 10 lectures on the Philosophy of Education 2. 10 lectures on the History of Philosophy 3. 3 lectures on Experimental Logic Typing on his own typewriter, Dewey always wrote out his brief notes for every lecture, a copy of which would be given to his interpreter so that he could study them and think out the suitable Chinese words and phrases before the lecture and its translation. After each lecture in Peking, the Dewey notes were given to the selected recorders, so that they could check their reports before publication. I have recently re-read most of his lectures in Chinese translation after a lapse of 40 years, and I could still feel the freshness and earnestness of the great thinker and teacher who always measured every word and every sentence in the classroom or before a large lecture audience. After one year of public lectures in many cities, Dewey was persuaded by his Chinese friends to spend another year in China, primarily as a Visiting Professor at the National Peking University, lecturing and discussing with advanced students without the aid of an interpreter, and devoting a part of his time to lectures at the Teachers' College in Peking and in Nanking. He was interested in the few 'experimental schools' which had been established by his former students in various educational centers, such as Peking, Nanking, Soochow, and Shanghai. Some of the schools, such as the one at the Teachers' College in Nanking, were named Dewey schools. The Deweys left China in 1921. In October, 1922, the National Educational Association met in Tsinan to discuss a thorough revision of the national 4 school system and curriculum. Article 4 of the New Educational System of 1922 reads: 'The child is the center of education. Special attention should be paid to the individual characteristics and aptitudes of the child in organizing the school system. Henceforth, the elective system should be adopted for sec¬ondary and higher education, and the principle of flexibility should be adopted in the arrangement and promotion of classes in all elementary schools. ' In the new school curriculum of 1923 and the revised curriculum of 1929, the emphasis was placed on the idea that the child was the center of the school. The influence of Dewey's educational philosophy is easily seen in these revisions. Dewey went to China in May, 1919—forty years ago. Can we now give a rough estimate of his influence in China after the passing of forty years? Such an estimate has not been easy, because these forty years have been mostly years of great disturbance, of civil wars, revolutions, and foreign wars— including the years of the Nationalist Revolution, the eight years of the Japanese War and the Second World War, the years of the communist wars, and the communist conquest of the Chinese mainland. It is exceedingly dif¬ficult to say how much influence any thinker or any school of thought has had on a people that has suffered so much from the tribulations of war, revolu¬tion, exile, mass migration, and general insecurity and deprivation. In our present case, however, the Chinese communist regime has given us unexpected assistance in the form of nationwide critical condemnation and purging of the Pragmatic philosophy of Dewey and of his Chinese followers. This great purge began as early as 1950 in a number of inspired but rather mild articles criticizing Dewey’s educational theories, and citing American critics such as Kandel, Bode, Rugg, and Hook in support of their criticism. But the purge became truly violent in 1954 and 1955, when the Chinese communist regime ordered a concerted condemnation and purge of the evil and poisonous thoughts of Hu Shih in many aspects of Chinese intellectual activity—in philosophy, in history, in the history of philosophy, in political thought, in literature, and in histories of Chinese literature. In those two years of 1954 and 1955, more than three million words were published for the purging and exorcising of the 'ghost of Hu Shih'. And in almost every violent attack on me, Dewey was inevitably dragged in as a source and as the fountainhead of the heinous poison. And in most of the articles of this vast purge literature, there was a frank recognition of the evil influence of Dewey, Dewey's philosophy and method, and the application of that philosophy and method by that 'rotten and smelly' Chinese Deweyan, Hu Shih, and his slavish followers. May we not accept such confessions from the communist-controlled world as fairly reliable, though probably slightly exaggerated, estimates of the 'poisonous' influence left by Dewey and his friends in China? I quote only a few of these confessions from Red China: 1. 'If we want to critize the old theories of education, we must begin with Dewey. The educational ideas of Dewey have dominated and controlled Chinese education for thirty years, and his social philosophy and his general philosophy have also influenced a part of the Chinese people'. (The People’s Education, October, 1950). 2. 'How was Dewey's poisonous Pragmatic educational philosophy spread over China? It was spread primarily through his lectures in China preaching his Pragmatic philosophy and his reactionary educational ideas, and through that center of Dewey's reactionary thinking, namely, Columbia University, from which thousands of Chinese students, for over thirty years, have brought back all the reactionary, subjective-idealistic, Pragmatic educational ideas of Dewey. ... As one who has been most deeply poisoned by his reactionary edu¬cational ideas, as one who has worked hardest and longest to help spread his educational ideas, I now publicly accuse that great fraud and deceiver in the modern history of education, John Dewey! ' (By Ch’en Ho-ch'in, one of the great educators of the Dewey school, who was responsible for the moderniza-tion of the Shanghai schools, who was ordered to make this public accusation in February, 1955. It was published in the Wenhui Pao, February 28, 1955.) 3. 'The battlefield of the study of Chinese literature has, for over thirty years, been occupied by the representative of bourgeois idealism [that is, Pragmatism], namely, Hu Shih, and his school. Even years after the 'Libera¬tion' when the intellectual circles have supposedly acknowledged the leader¬ship position of Marxism, the evil influence of that school has not yet received the purge it rightly deserves'. (The People's Daily, the official organ of the Chinese Communist Party and Government, Nov. 5, 1954). 4. 'The poison of the philosophical ideas of Pragmatism [as represented by Hu Shih] has not only infiltrated the field of the study of Chinese literature, but has also penetrated deep into the fields of history, education, linguistics, and even the realm of natural science—of course, the greatest evil effect has been in the field of philosophy'. (Kuang-ming Daily, of Peking, Dec. 15, 1954). These confessions should be sufficient to give us an idea of the extent of the evil influence of Dewey and his followers and friends in China. According to these confessions, the Pragmatic philosophy and method of Dewey and his Chinese friends have dominated Chinese education for thirty years, and have infiltrated and dominated for over thirty years the fields of the study of Chinese literature, linguistics, history, philosophy, and even the realm of natural science! What is this Deweyan brand of Pragmatism or Experimentalism that is so much feared in communist China as to deserve three million words of purge and condemnation? As I examine this vast purge literature, I cannot help laughing heartily at all this fuss and fury. After wading through literally millions of words of abuse, I find that what those Red masters and slaves dread most and want to purge is only a philosophical theory of thinking which Dewey had expounded in many of his logical studies and which he had made popular in his little book, How We Think. According to this theory, thinking is not passive and slavish deduction from unquestioned absolute truths, but an effective tool and method for resolving doubt and overcoming difficulties in our daily life, in our active dealings with Nature and man. Thinking, says Dewey, always begins with a situation of doubt and perplexity; it proceeds with a search for facts and for possible suggestions or hypotheses for the resolution of the initial difficulty; and it terminates in proving, testing, or verifying the selected hypothesis by successfully and satisfactorily resolving the perplexing situation which had challenged the mind to think. That’s the Deweyan theory of think¬ing, which I have in the last forty years tried to popularize by pointing out that that was an adequate analysis of the method of science as well as an adequate analysis of the method of 'evidential investigation' (k’ao-chü, k'ao- cheng), which the great Chinese classical scholars of the last three centuries had been using so efficaciously and Fruitfully. That is the method of the dis¬ciplined common sense of mankind: it is the essence of the method of science, consisting mainly in a boldness in suggesting hypotheses, coupled with metic¬ulous care in seeking verification by evidence or by experimentation. Two corollaries from this conception of thinking stand out pre-eminently. First, the progress of man and of society depends upon the patient and suc¬cessful solution of real and concrete problems by means of the active use of the intelligence of man. 'Progress', says Dewey, 'is piecemeal. It is always a retail job, never wholesale.' That is anathema to all communists, who believe in total and cataclysmic revolution, which will bring about wholesale progress overnight. The second corollary is equally anathema to the communists, namely, that, in this natural and orderly process of rational thinking, all doctrines and all theories are to be regarded, not as absolute truths, but only as tentative and suggestive hypotheses to be tested in use—only as tools and materials for aiding human intelligence, but never as unquestioned and unquestionable dogmas to stifle or stop thinking. Dewey said in his Peking lecture on moral education: 'Always cultivate an open mind. Always cultivate the habit of intellectual honesty. And always learn to be responsible for your own thinking.' That was enough to scare the Commies out of their wits, and enough to start years of violent attack and abuse on Dewey and Pragmatism and the 'ghost of Hu Shih'. And the most amusing fact was that all those years of violent attack and all those millions of words of condemnation began in 1954 with a communist discussion of a popular Chinese novel of the eighteenth century entitled 'The Dream of the Red Chamber'. Why? Because nearly forty years ago I was tempted to apply the method of scientific research to a study of the authorship, the remarkable family background of the author, and the history of the evolu¬tion of the text of the novel. In the course of subsequent years, numerous hitherto-unknown materials were discovered and published by me, all of which have verified and strengthened my first researches. That was a conscious application of the Dewey theory of thinking to a subject-matter which was well known to every man and woman who could read at all. I have applied the same theory and method of thinking to several other Chinese novels, as well as to many difficult and forbidding problems of research in the fields of the history of Chinese thought and belief, including the history of Ch'an or Zen Buddhism. But the best-known example or material with which I illustrated and popularized the Deweyan theory of thinking was the great novel 'The Dream of the Red Chamber', Nearly thirty years ago (November, 1930), at the request of my publisher, I made an anthology of my Essays, in which I included three pieces on 'The Dream of the Red Chamber'. I wrote a preface to this anthology intended for younger readers. In my wicked moments, I wrote these words in introducing my three studies of that novel: My young friends, do not regard these pieces on 'The Dream of the Red Chamber' as my efforts to teach you how to read a novel. These essays are only a few Examples or illustrations of a method of how to think and study. Through these simple essays, I want to convey to you a little bit of the scientific spirit, the scientific attitude of mind, and the scientific method. The scientific spirit lies in the search for facts and for truth. The scientific attitude of mind is a willingness to put aside our feelings and prejudices, a willingness to face facts and to follow evidence wherever it may lead us. And the scientific method is only 'a boldness to suggest hypotheses coupled with a meticulous care in seeking proof and verification'. When evidence is lacking or insuf¬ficient, there must be a willingness to suspend judgment. A conclusion is valid only when it is verified. Some Ch'an (Zen) monk of centuries ago said that Bodhidharma came all the way to China in search of a man who would not be deceived by man. In these essays, I, too, wish to present a method of how not to be deceived by men. To be led by the nose by a Confucius or a Chu Hsi is not highly commendable. But to be led by the nose by a Marx, a Lenin, or a Stalin is also not quite becoming a man. I have no desire to lead anybody by the nose: I only wish to convey to my young friends my humble hope that they may learn a little intellectual skill for their own self-protection and endeavor to be, men who cannot be deceived by others. These words, I said then, were penned with infinite love and infinite hope. For these words, I have brought upon my head and the head of my beloved teacher and friend, John Dewey, years of violent attack and millions of words of abuse and condemnation. But, ladies and gentlemen, these same millions of words of abuse and condemnation have given me a feeling of comfort and encouragement—a feeling that Dewey's two years and two months in China were not entirely in vain, that my forty years of humble effort in my own country have not been entirely in vain, and that Dewey and his students have left in China plenty of 'poison', plenty of antiseptic and antitoxin, to plague the Marxist-Leninist slaves for many, many years to come. |
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| 4 | 1918 |
[Ibsen, Henrik]. Nuola. Hu Shi, Luo Jialun yi. In : Xin Qing nian ; vol. 4, no 6 (1918). = [Ibsen, Henrik]. Nuola. Yibusheng yuan zhu ; Hu Shi, Luo Jialun he yi. (Shanghai : Qi ming shu ju, 1936). [Basiert auf der englischen Übersetzung von William Archer 1906]. Übersetzung von Ibsen, Henrik. Et Dukkehjem : skuespil i 3 akter. (Kobenhavn : Gyldendal, 1879). = Ibsen, Henrik. Nora oder ein Puppenheim : Schauspiel in drei Aufzügen. (Leipzig : Reclam, 1889). = Ibsen, Henrik. Nora. (London : Griffith, Farran & Co., 1882). = Ibsen, Henrik. A doll's house. (London : T.F. Unwin, 1889). [Erstaufführung Det Kongelige Teater, Kopenhagen 1879]. [Erste Übersetzung ; Teilübersetzung]. 娜拉 |
Publication / Ibs24 | |
| 5 | 1918 |
Hu, Shi. Yibusheng zhu yi. In : Xin qing nian ; vol. 4, no 6 (1918). ["Ibsenism", Artikel über das politische und soziale Denken von Henrik Ibsen]. 易卜生主義 |
Publication / Ibs56 | |
| 6 | 1918 |
Xin qing nian ; Nr. 4 (April 1918). Ed. by Hu Shi. [Sondernummer über die Reformierung des chinesischen Theaters]. [Enthält] : Song, Chunfang. Jin shi ming xi bai zhong. [One hundred well-known modern plays]. 近世名戲百種 |
Publication / SongC1 |
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| 7 | 1919 |
Duan pian xiao shuo. Dude zhu [et al.] ; Hu Shi yi. (Shanghai : Yadong tu shu guan, 1919). [Übersetzung von Kurzgeschichten von Alphonse Daudet, Guy de Maupassant, Anton Pavlovich Chekhov, Maxim Gorky]. 短篇小說 |
Publication / Dau7 | |
| 8 | 1919 |
[Dewey, John]. Meiguo zhi min zhi de fa zhan. Duwei jiang yan lu. Hu Shi, Han Lu, Tian Feng. (Beijing : Xue shu jiang yan hui, [1919]). Übersetzung von Dewey, John. American democracy. Vortrag in China 1919]. 美國之民治的發展 : 杜威講演录 |
Publication / DewJ77 | |
| 9 | 1919 |
Hu, Shi. Shi yan zhu yi. (Beijing : Xue shu jiang yan hui, 1919). (Xue shu jiang yan lu). [Vorträge von Hu Shi über Experimentalismus, Pragmatismus und Philosophie von John Dewey, William James, Charles Sanders Peirce]. 实验主义 |
Publication / DewJ125 | |
| 10 | 1920 |
[Dewey, John]. Duwei wu da jiang yan. Duwei jiang ; Hu Shi yi ; Mu Wang, Fu Lu bi ji. (Beijing : Chen bao she, 1920). (Chen bao she cong shu ; 3). [Five lectures by Dewey in Beijing]. [Enthält] : She hui zhe xue yu zheng zhi zhe xue. Jiao yu zhe xue. Si xiang zhi pai bie. Xian dai san ge zhe xue jia. Lun li yan jiang ji lue. 杜威五大講演 |
Publication / Berg8 | |
| 11 | 1920 |
Hu, Shi. Chang shi ji. (Shanghai : Ya dong tu shu guan, 1920). [Anthologie Lyrik]. [Enthält Übersetzungen von] : Campbell, Thomas. [Ein Gedicht]. (1908). Browning, Robert. Optimism (1914). Byron, George Gordon. Ai Xila = The Isles of Greece. (1914). Ketchum, Arthur. Mu men xing = Ballad of the cemetery gate. (1915). Teasdale, Sara. Over the roofs. 嘗試集 : 附去國集 Hu, Shi. Chang shi hou ji. [Enthält Übersetzungen von acht englischen Gedichten] : Thomas Hardy, John Donne, Robert Browning, Thomas Carlyle, Percy Bysshe Shelley, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, Edward FitzGerald. 嘗試後集 |
Publication / HuS4 |
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| 12 | 1921 |
[Drinkwater, John]. Linken. Delinwatuo yuan zhu ; Chen Xingren yuan yi ; Hu Shi jiao gai. (Shanghai : Shang wu yin shu guan, 1921). (Shi jie cong shu). Übersetzung von Drinkwater, John. Abraham Lincoln : a play. (London : Sidgwick & Jackson, 1918). 林肯 |
Publication / Drink1 | |
| 13 | 1922 |
Hu, Shi. The Development of the logical method in ancient China = Xian Qin ming xue shi. (London : K. Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co. ; Shanghai : The Oriental Book Co., 1922). (Diss. Columbia Univ., 1917). 先秦名学史 |
Publication / HuS6 |
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| 14 | 1924 |
Hu, Shi. Wu shi nian lai zhi shi jie zhe xue shi. (Shanghai : Shi jie tu shu guan, 1924). [Weltphilosophie der letzten 50 Jahre ; enthält Eintragungen über Friedrich Nietzsche, René Descartes, Henri Bergson, John Dewey, Aldous Huxley]. 五十年來之世界哲學史 |
Publication / DewJ176 |
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| 15 | 1925 |
Hu, Shi ; Wang, Junqing. Hu Shi zhi bai hua wen chao. (Shanghai : Wen ming shu ju, 1925). [Abhandlung über John Dewey]. 胡適之白話文鈔 |
Publication / DewJ124 | |
| 16 | 1930 |
Hu, Shi. Hu Shi ri ji. ([S.l. : s.n.], 1930). [Enthält Übersetzungen von Gedichten von] : Alfred Tennyson, Robert Browning, William Shakespeare, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Rudyard Kipling, James Russell Lowell, Alfred Noyes, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Joseph Dane Miller, Denis H. Robertson. 胡適日記 |
Publication / HuS5 |
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| 17 | 1931 |
[Dewey, John]. Jin ri si da si xiang jia xin yang zhi zi shu. Hu Shi [et al.] zhu ; Xiang Zhen [et al.] yi. (Shanghai : Liang you tu shu yin shua gong si, 1931). (Yi jiao cong shu ; 1). 今日四大思想家信仰之自述 [Enthält] : Hu Shi de xin yang / Xiang Zhen yi. Wei'ersi de xin yang / Chu Anping yi. [H.G. Wells]. Aiyinsitan de xin yang / Wang Jungang yi. [Albert Einstein]. Duwei de xin yang / Xiang Zhen yi. Übersetzung von Russell, Bertrand. What I believe. (London : Kegan Paul, 1925). |
Publication / DewJ173 | |
| 18 | 1934 |
[Dewey, John]. Zhe xue de gai zao. Duwei zhu ; Hu Shi, Tang Bohuang [Tang Yue] yi ; Zhonghua jiao yu wen hua ji jin dong shi hui bian yi wei yuan hui bian ji. (Shanghai : Shang wu yin shu guan, 1934). Übersetzung von Dewey, John. Reconstruction in philosophy. (New York, N.Y. : H. Holt, 1920). 哲學的改造 |
Publication / DewJ102 | |
| 19 | 1935 | Hu, Schï. Der Ursprung der Ju und ihre Beziehung zu Konfuzius und Lau-dsï. Mit Genehmigung des Verfassers übersetzt von Wolfgang Franke. In : Sinica Sonderausgabe, T. 1-2 (1935). Übersetzung von Hu, Shi. Shuo ru. 说儒 [Confucius ; Laozi]. | Publication / Fran-Hu, 1 | |
| 20 | 1939 |
Shi jie ming zhu dai biao zuo. Zhou Zuoren, Hu Shi yi [et al.]. (Shanghai : Guo guang shu dian, 1939). (Shi jie ming zhu dai biao zuo). [Übersetzung von Short stories]. 世界名著代表作 |
Publication / Zho15 |
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| 21 | 1953 |
Liu Shaw-tong [Liu, Shaotang]. Out of Red China. Transl. from the Chinese by Jack Chia and Henry Walter ; introd. by Hu Shih [Hu Shi]. (New York, N.Y. : Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1953). Übersetzung von Liu, Shaotang. Hong se Zhongguo de pan tu. (Taibei : Xin Zhongguog chu ban she, 1953). 紅色中國的叛徒 |
Publication / LiuSha1 | |
| 22 | 1956 |
[Harte, Bret]. Mi ge er. Hate deng zhuan ; Hu Shi deng yi. (Taibei : Qi ming shu ju yin xing, 1956). (Shi jie duan pian xiao shuo ming zhu. Meiguo xiao shuo ji). Übersetzung von Harte, Bret. Miggles. In : Harte, Bret. The luck of Roaring camp and other sketches of Californian life. (Boston : Fields, Osgood, & Co., 1870). 米格兒 |
Publication / HarB2 | |
| 23 | 1959 | Hu, Shih [Hu, Shi]. John Dewey in China. In : Philosophy and culture : East and West. Charles A. Moore, ed. (Honolulu : University of Hawaii Press, 1962). [Lecture delivered in 1959 at the Third East-West Philosophers’ Conference, University of Hawaii]. | Publication / DewJ6 | |
| 24 | 1964 |
China erzählt : acht Erzählungen. Ausgewählt und eingeleitet von Andreas Donath. (Frankfurt a.M. : Insel-Verlag, 1964). [Enthält] : Guo, Moruo. Der Han-Gu-Pass. Hu, Shi. Eine Frage. Lu, Xun. Die ewige Lampe. Mao, Dun. Seidenraupen im Frühling. Lao, She. Die Mondsichel. Wu, Zuxiang. Das Elexier. Zhao, Shuli. Die Heirat des Hsiau Ori-he. Liu, Binyan. Brückenbau. |
Publication / Don3 | |
| 25 | 1970 |
Hu, Shi. Hu Shi ji Zhao Yuanren di xin = Seventy-eight letters to a friend. (Taibei : Meng ya chu ban she, 1970). 胡適給趙元任的信 |
Publication / ZhaY59 |
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| 26 | 1970 |
Textes de littérature moderne. Vol. 1-2. (Paris : Ministère de l'Education nationale, Centre national de télé-enseignement, Institut national des langues et civilisations orientales, 1970). [Enthält] : Ai Qing, Hu Shi, Lu Xun, Shen Congwen, Tian Jian, Wen Yiduo, Xu Zhimo, Zang Kejia, Zhu Ziqing. |
Publication / Ant37 |
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| 27 | 1975 |
Hu, Shi. Shi jie ming ren qing shi xin shang. (Taibei : Da ming wang shi chu ban gong si, 1975). (Da ming cong shu ; 1). [Abhandlung über George Gordon Byron]. 世界名人情诗欣赏 |
Publication / Byr43 | |
| 28 | 1983 |
Twentieth-century Chinese drama : an anthology. Ed. by Edward M. Gunn. (Bloomington, Ind. : Indiana University Press, 1983). (Chinese literature in transition). [Enthält] : Hu, Shi. The greatest event in life. = Zhong shen da shi (1919). Hong, Shen. Yama Chao = Zhao Yanwang (1922). Ding Xilin. Oppression. = Ya po (1956). Ouyang, Yujian. P'an Chin-lien. = Pan Jinlian (1928). Xia, Yan. Under Shanghai eaves. = Shanghai wu yan xia (1937). Chen, Baichen. Men and women in wild times. = Lusan shi nan nü (1939). Li, Jianwu. Springtime. = Qing chun (1944). Yang, Jiang. Windswept blossoms. = Feng xu (1945-1946). Yang, Lüfang. Cuckoo sings again. = Bu gu niao you jiao le (1957). Tian, Han. Kuang Han-ch'ing = Guang Hanqing (1958-1961). Wu, Han. Hai Jui dismissed from office. = Hai Rui ba guan (1961). Weng, Ouhong ; A, Jia. The red lantern. = Hong deng ji (1964). Zong, Fuxian. In a land of silence. = Yu wu sheng chu (1978). Zhou, Weibo. The artillery commander's son. Sha, Yexin. If I were real. = Jia ru wo shi zhen de (1979). Yang, Mu. Wu feng. =Wu feng (1979). |
Publication / Gunn2 |
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| 29 | 1987 |
Hu, Shi. Hu Shi you Zhong xi wen hua. Yü Ying-shih deng zhu. (Taibei : Shui niu chu ban she, 1987). (Wen shi cong shu ; 21). 胡適與中西文化 |
Publication / YüY20 | |
| 30 | 1989 |
Land without ghosts : Chinese impressions of America from the mid-nineteenth century to the present. Transl. and ed. by R. David Arkush and Leo O. Lee. (Berkeley, Calif. : University of California Press, 1989). [Enthält] : Xu, Jiyu. George Washington and the American political system. 1848. Zhi, Gang. Trains and teaties. 1868. Zhang, Deyi. Strange customs. 1868 Li, Gui. Glimpses of a modern society. 1876. Chen, Lanbin. Traveil in the interior. 1878. Cai, Jun. How to cope with Western dinner parties. 1881. Huang, Zunxian. Two poems. 1882-1885. Zhang, Yinhuan. Chinese in America. 1886. Lin, Shu. Translator's notes to Uncle Tom's cabin. 1901. Liang, Qichao. The power and threat of America. 1903. Huang, Yanpei. Report of an investigation of American education. 1915. Hu, Shi. An American woman. 1914-1918. Tang, Hualong. The contradictory American character. 1918. Xu, Zhengkeng. "Things about America and Americans". 1918-1921. Li, Gongpu. Presidential elections. 1928. "Gongwang". The American family : individualism, material wealth, and pleasure-seeking. 1932. Zou, Taofen. Alabama : reds and blacks. 1935. Lin, Yutang. Impressions on reaching America. 1936. Kao, George. Burlesque. 1937. Fei, Xiaotong. The shallowness of cultural tradition. 1943-1944. Xiao, Qian. Some judgments about America. 1945. Yang, Gang. Betty : a portrait of loneliness. 1948. Du, Hengzhi. A day in the country. 1946-1948. Yin, Haiguang. Americans' lack of personal style. 1954. Yu, Guangzhong. Black ghost. 1965. Cai, Nengying ; Luo, Lan ; Liang Shiqiu. Eating in America. 1960s-1970s. "Jiejun". A family Christmas. ca. 1970. Zhang, Beihai. America, America. 1986-1987. Cold War denunciations. 1949-1955. Wang, Ruoshui. A glimpse of America. 1978. Xiao, Qian. Working students. 1979. Fei, Xiaotong. America revisited. 1979. Zhang, Jie. I do not regret visiting New York. 1982. Liu, Binyan. America, spacious yet confining. 1982. Wang, Yuzhong. Six don'ts for Chinese students in America. 1986. Li, Shaomin. Private ownership and public ownership. |
Publication / Ark2 |
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| 31 | 1990 | Hu, Shi. The Hu Shi reader : an advanced reading text for modern Chinese. Compiled and annotated by Sharon Shih-jiuan Hou and Chih-p'ing Chou. (New Haven, Conn. : Yale University, Far Eastern Publications, 1990). | Publication / Chou18 |
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| 32 | 1995 |
Hu, Shi. A collection of Hu Shih's English writings = Hu Shi Ying wen wen cun. Compiled by Chih-p'ing Chou. Vol. 1-3. (Taibei : Yuan liu chu ban gong si, 1995). 胡適英文文存 / 胡適著 ; 周質平主編 |
Publication / Chou16 |
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| 33 | 1995 |
Hu, Shi. Hu Shi zao nian wen cun. (Taibei : Yuan liu chu ban shi ye you xian gong si, 1995). (Hu Shi he ji). [Ausgewählte Werke]. 胡適早年文存 |
Publication / Chou23 |
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| 34 | 1998 |
Hu, Shi. Autobiographie mit Vierzig. Aus dem Chinesischen von Marianne Liebermann und Alfred Hoffman. (Dortmund : Projekt Verlag, 1998). (Arcus Chinatexte ; Bd. 13). Übersetzung von Hu, Shi. Si shi zi shu. (Shanghai : Ya dong tu shu guan, 1933). 四十自述 |
Publication / HuS2 | |
| 35 | 1999 |
Hu, Shi. Bu si liang zi nan wang : Hu Shi gei Weiliansi de xin. Zhou Zhiping [Chou Chih-p'ing] yi. (Taibei : Lian jing chu ban shi ye gong si, 1999). [Korrespondenz von Hu Shi mit Edith Clifford Williams]. 不思量自難忘 : 胡適給韋蓮司的信 |
Publication / Chou15 | |
| 36 | 2009 |
The Columbia anthology of modern Chinese drama. Ed. by Xiaomei Chen. (New York, N.Y. : Columbia University Press, 2009). [Enthält] : Hu, Shi. The greatest event in life. = Zhong shen da shi (1919). Hong, Shen. Ya ma chao. = Zhao yan wang (1922). Tian, Han. The night a tiger was captured. = Huo hu zhi yi ye (1921). Ouyang, Yuqian. After returning home. = Hui jia zhi hou (1922). Ding, Xilin. The wasp. = Yi zhi ma feng (1923). Ding, Xilin. Oppression. = Ya po (1926). Bai, Wei. Breaking out of the pagoda. = Da chu you ling ta (1928). Cao, Yu. Thunderstorm. = Lei yu (1933). Li, Jianwu. It's only spring. = Zhe bu guo shi chun tian (1934). Xia, Yan. Under Shanghai eaves. = Shanghai wu yan xia (1937). Wu, Zuguang. Returning from a stormy night. = Feng xue ye gui ren (1942).l Lao, She. Teahouse. = Cha guan (1958). Tian, Han. Guan Hanqing. = Guan Hanqing (1958-1961). Chen, Yun. The young generation. = Nian qing de yi dai (1963). Weng, Ouhong ; A, Jia. The red lantern. = Hong deng ji (1964). Gao, Xingjian. Bus stop. = Che zhan (1983). Li, Longyun. Man and the wilderness. = Huang yuan yu ren (1988). Yang, Limin. Geologists. = Di zhi shi (1995). Shen, Lin ; Huang Jisu, Zhang, Guangtian. Che Guevara. = Qie Gewala (2000). Lai, Shengchuan. Secret love in peach blossom land. = An lian tao hua yuan (1986). Chan, Anthony. Metamorphosis in the moonlight under the stars. = Xing guang xia de tui bian (1986). Chan, Joanna. Grown ourselves with roses. = Hua jin gao lou (1988). |
Publication / ChenXi1 |
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Secondary Literature (16)
| # | Year | Bibliographical Data | Type / Abbreviation | Linked Data |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | 1935 | Fu, Si-nien [Fu, Sinian] ; Hu, Schi [Hu, Shi]. Das Studium der Klassiker im neuen China : 2 aktuelle Aufsätze. Bearb. von Fritz Jäger. (Glückstadt : Augustin, 1935). | Publication / JägF1 | |
| 2 | 1965 | Eber, Irene. Hu Shih, 1891-1962 : a sketch of his life and his role in the intellectual and political dialogue of modern China. (Claremont, Calif. : Claremont Graduate University, 1965). Diss. Claremont Graduate Univ., 1965. [Hu Shi]. | Publication / EbI1 | |
| 3 | 1973 | Moritz, Ralf. Hu Shi und die Entwicklung des philosophischen Denkens im alten China. (Berlin : Akademie-Verlag, 1973). Diss. Univ. Leipzig, 1969. [Hu, Shi] | Publication / MOR1 |
|
| 4 | 1984 | Yü, Ying-shih. Zhongguo jin dai si xiang shi shang di Hu Shi. (Taibei : Lian jing chu ban shi ye gong si, 1984). | Publication / YüY9 | |
| 5 | 1988 |
Zhou, Zhiping [Chou, Chih-p'ing]. Hu Shi yu Lu Xun. (Taibei : Shi bao chu ban gong si, 1988). (Wen hua cong shu ; 80). [Hu Shi and Lu Xun]. 胡適與魯迅 |
Publication / Chou21 | |
| 6 | 1990 | Li, Moying. Hu Shi and his Deweyan reconstruction of Chinese history. (Ann Arbor, Mich. : University Microfilms International, 1990). (Diss. Boston University, 1990). | Publication / DewJ177 | |
| 7 | 1990 | Stafutti, Stefania. Hu Shi e la "questione della lingua" : le origini della letteratura in baihua nel Baihua wenxue shi (Storia della letteratura in lingua volgare). (Firenze : Casa Editrice Le Lettere, 1990). (Collana di studi orientali). | Publication / Staf1 | |
| 8 | 1992 |
Zhou, Zhiping [Chou, Chih-p'ing]. Hu Shi cong lun. (Taibei : San min shu ju, 1992). (San ming cong kan ; 48). [Studies on Hu Shi]. 胡適叢論 |
Publication / Chou22 |
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| 9 | 1998 |
Zhou, Zhiping [Chou, Chih-p'ing]. Hu Shi yu Wei Liansi : shen qing wu shi nian. (Taibei : Lian ching chu ban shi ye gong si, 1998). [Hu Shi and Edith Clifford Williams : a passion of fifty years]. 胡適與韋蓮司 : 深情五十年 |
Publication / Chou20 | |
| 10 | 2001 | Eglauer, Martina. Wissenschaft als Chance : das Wissenschaftsverständnis des chinesischen Philosophen Hu Shi (1891-1962) unter dem Einfluss von John Deweys (1859-1952) Pragmatismus. (Stuttgart : F. Steiner, 2001). (Münchener ostasiatische Studien ; Bd. 79). | Publication / DewJ175 |
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| 11 | 2002 |
Zhou, Zhiping [Chou, Chih-p'ing]. Hu Shi yu Zhongguo xian dai si chao. (Nanjing : Nanjing da xue chu ban she, 2002). [Hu Shi and modern Chinese thought]. 胡适与中国现代思潮 |
Publication / Chou19 |
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| 12 | 2004 | Tan, Sor-hoon. China's pragmatist experiment in democracy : Hu Shih's pragmatism and Dewey's influence in China. In : The range of pragmatism and the limits of philosophy. Ed. by Richard Shusterman. (Oxford : Blackwell, 2004). | Publication / DewJ184 | |
| 13 | 2005 | Liang, Kan. Hu Shi and Liang Shiqiu : liberalism and others. In : Chinese studies in history ; vol. 39, no 1 (2005). | Publication / Shak28 | |
| 14 | 2006 | Fried, Daniel. Beijing's crypto-Victorian : traditionalist influences on Hu Shi's poetic practice. In : Comparative critical studies ; vol. 3, no 3 (2006). | Publication / HuS3 |
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| 15 | 2006 |
Yang, Liping. Translation, rewriting and the modernization of China. (Singapore : National University of Singapore, 2006). Diss. National Univ. of Singapore, 2006. http://scholarbank.nus.edu.sg/bitstream/handle/10635/15550/phd-thesis-yangliping.pdf?sequence=1. |
Publication / Hardy1 |
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| 16 | 2008 |
Yi, Lei. Hu Shi and the movement to 'reexamine the national heritage'. In : Chinese studies in history ; vol. 42, no 2 (2008). http://jds.cass.cn/UploadFiles/ztyj/2011/12/201112111431096750.pdf. |
Publication / DewJ180 |
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