Defoe, Daniel
(London Ende 1659 oder Anfang 1660-1731 London) : Schriftsteller
Subjects
Index of Names : Occident
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Literature : Occident : Great Britain
Chronology Entries (8)
| # | Year | Text | Linked Data |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | 1705-1722 |
Starr, G.A. Defoe and China [ID D26790]. Defoe finds China's social order tyrannical, its religion idolatrous, and the entire Asian trade beneficial to China, India and the East India Company but harmful to England and Europe. He ridicules tea, porcelain, lightweight fabrics and their Chinese producers less than his own countrymen: the East India Company for pursuing its own profit rather than national prosperity, and consumers for choosing insubstantial imports over superior domestic products. He prefers England's unruly mobs over China's "submissive Slaves," and Protestant Christianity over devilish idolatry, yet his satire is aimed chiefly at those in the West who defend absolutism in the political sphere, or freethinking in the religious sphere, under the guise of honoring antiquity, stability, "natural reason" and the like. Perceiving China as monitory example, not as threat, Defoe regards European fondness for Chinese goods, beliefs and practices as not merely foolish but pernicious, in commercial, political, and religious terms alike. Long before Montesquieu argued that China's vaunted stability was based not on justice but on fear, Defoe contended that its social order was a tyranny to which only pusillanimous slaves would submit, and that its religion was idolatrous devil worship. As for products such as tea and porcelain, Defoe thought they were needless, and that trading for them with China drained Europe of silver. Even more pernicious were Indian and Chinese cottons and silks, because their importation imperiled the woolen trade on which English prosperity depended. There has been considerable discussion of Defoe's animosity toward China in the second and third parts of Robinson Crusoe, concerning the sources he may have drawn upon as well as the possible motives for his highly critical assessment of Chinese culture. Thanks to such studies, we know where Defoe probably found many of his facts about China, and we know that he culled negative details from various accounts, such as those by Jesuit missionaries, that were on the whole much more positive. But on the question of why his view of China was so hostile, most existing criticism relies on psychological speculation. Robert Markley imputes to Defoe and his hero lurid "obsessions," "fantasies," and "nightmares"; according to him, Defoe feels threatened by China, so that "Lashing out at the Chinese enacts rhetorically a compensatory fantasy of European pride and supposed superiority, " and reflects "the hero's—and the novelist's—obsession with . . . dangerous 'others'." Defoe refers frequently to China throughout his career, however, grappling with issues of trade, governance, and religion that provide the context and rationale for Crusoe's harsh remarks. Defoe's image of China is based on his selective and tendentious use of comments by Western observers, who had written to serve ulterior purposes of their own and were often biased. My concern here is not to defend the accuracy of his representations of China, or the soundness of his thoroughly Eurocentric evaluations of it, but rather to suggest that Defoe's long-held convictions about religion, government, and trade explain why China was anathema to him, and that we need not imagine him compensating for covert fears and phobias in order to account for his hostility. When Defoe generalizes about national characteristics, he usually treats them as symptoms of underlying political, economic, or religious causes. He is less interested in China for its own sake than in using it as a stalking horse for his critiques of the East India Company and British trade policy, "divine right" autocracy, idolatry and deism, and so on. Thus he tries to show that the Jesuit missionaries and their uncritical English readers are wrong to hold up China as a political or religious ideal, and that it should be seen instead as a place where all the malign tendencies of Bourbon and Stuart absolutism have been fully realized. From the Jesuits' admiring accounts of the Chinese system of government, Defoe infers that China is at best another France, and should arouse horror rather than envy in English readers, because its stable order is a mere tyranny, sustained only by keeping a docile populace in fear of swift, violent punishment for the least misstep. This reveals more, of course, about Defoe than about China. As Robert Batchelor points out, "defining 'China' was itself a contested and political process," competing English interests were at stake, and would influence if not determine an author's view of it. That Defoe's image of China is designed to advance certain theses is clearest in his treatises on commerce and his polemical pamphlets, but is true of his novels as well. As an advocate of the woollen interest, and as a self-appointed defender of liberty against tyranny and of Protestant Christianity against paganism, Roman Catholicism, and deism, Defoe uses China as a monitory example of various principles and practices he deplores. Much of his hostility is directed at those in the West who advance their own selfish, sinister, or merely silly agendas in honoring China. Thus his writing about the country is largely satirical, but the ultimate object of satire is often not China itself so much as English and European folly. Concerns over government and religion tend to crop up even when his topic is economic. In a work no longer regarded as his, but which reflects his views, calicoes are said to be "made the L . . . d knows where, by a Parcel of Heathens and Pagans, that worship the Devil, and work for a Half-penny a Day." Defoe himself calls England "a wilfully-possess'd Nation, dress'd up in the Manufactures of Foreigners, and despising the Workmanship of their own People : Madly sending their Money to India and China, to feed and support Heathens and Savages." Economically, it would be significant—if true—that Asian laborers "work for a Half-penny a Day," but not that they are "Heathens and Savages" or "worship the Devil." Although questionable logically as well as factually, such linkages between economic, religious, and political factors can be effective polemically. Economics Defoe does not represent China's might or its treatment of Westerners as a threat to England, or to fictional Englishmen like Crusoe. Rather, he portrays England's own infatuation with East Indian goods as jeopardizing the manufactures and trade on which its continuing prosperity depends. He is opposed to importing cotton and silk fabrics, porcelain, and tea ; his objections are based on mercantilist principles that are borne out, in his opinion, by his lifelong involvement in trade and study of the British economy. The least serious of his charges is that China is the source of mere superfluities, not of anything vital to the English consumer : "What necessity have we of all our East-India Trade ? of the Callicoes, wrought Silks, raw-Silk; the Tea of China, the Coffee of Arabia, the Diamonds of Golconda and of Borneo, the Oriental Pearl of Ormus and Gamberoon . . . I say what is our necessity of them all ?" He calls these "the exorbitances of Life," "not necessary to the being of Mankind, no, nor for their well being neither." Eastern luxuries are not only dispensable, but trifling : "we are no sooner Prohibited the Use of one foreign Bauble, but we fly to another . . . we turn’d our Backs upon our own wrought Silks, and run to India and China for all the slightest and foolishest Trash in the World, such as their Chintz, slight Silks, painted Cottons, Herba, Silk and no Silks as if any thing but our own was to be thought beautiful, and any thing but what was best for us, was to be encouraged by us." Chinese goods gratify an appetite for "foreign and destructive Gewgaws" that is frivolous, foolish, and unhealthy. Others shared Defoe's view: an indignant contemporary exclaims, "after this year of 1700 let us never more Laugh at, and Ridicule the poor Negroe Indians, that give us their Gold dust . . . for Beads, Shells, Knives and Sizars, and such like, which are to them for Use and Ornament, when we part with our Bullion to invest our Kingdom with China Toyes, or obscene Statues and Images, and other Trifles." Crusoe's dim view of most Chinese achievements in art and architecture is probably owing to Defoe's Calvinist distrust of religious art as idolatrous, his inability to understand an alien Chinese aesthetic, and his incredulity about the Jesuits' adulation of Chinese science, technology, and applied arts. For instance, if the Chinese did invent gunpowder (which he doubts), he thinks their failure to "improve" it for use rather than mere show marks them as "unaccountable Blockheads." But the superiority of Chinese porcelain and lacquer-ware could not be dismissed as mere Jesuit propaganda; abundant evidence was available to European consumers in the form of imported goods that domestic ceramics and cabinetwork could not match. As to porcelain, Defoe does not deprecate it, as he does gunpowder, by questioning its place of origin or state of development. Crusoe acknowledges that "As this is one of the singularities of China, so they may be allow'd to excel in it, " but he typically takes back with one hand what he gives with the other. Thus he continues, "but I am very sure they excel in their Accounts of it; for they told me such incredible Things of their Performance in Crockery Ware . . . that I care not to relate, as knowing it could not be true." As the former owner of a brick and tile works, Defoe could respect the manufacture of porcelain as a technical accomplishment not yet mastered in Europe. When Crusoe is shown "the greatest Rarity in all the Country," "a Gentleman's House built all with China Ware," the awe with which most earlier travelers had regarded China finds its way briefly into the Farther Adventures. For the space of two paragraphs, Crusoe's habitual skepticism gives way to close, admiring observation. In the Serious Reflections, however, Defoe more characteristically grants the merit of the product but denies credit to the producers : The Height of their Ingenuity, and for which we admire them with more Colour of Cause than in other things, is their Porcellain or Earthen-ware Work, which, in a Word, is more due to the excellent Composition of the Earth they make them of, and which is their Peculiar, than to the Workmanship; in which, if we had the same Clay, we should soon outdo them, as much as we do in other things. He goes on to treat lacquer-ware in similar terms. Defoe's assessments of Chinese applied arts are thus a mixture of appreciation and belittlement. But he strongly censures the new English eagerness to collect "the Toys and Gaiety of China and Japan," deeming them trifles and gewgaws unworthy of importation; any aesthetic merits they might have are outweighed by economic considerations. A graver objection to the East India trade, in Defoe's eyes, was that it violated certain fundamental principles of beneficial overseas commerce. One tenet of mercantilism was that an international trade relationship was justifiable only if it resulted in a net inflow of precious metals, a doctrine known as bullionism. Defoe recognized that the soundness of bilateral trade might not always be measurable in such terms, but where the East India trade was concerned, he and other opponents were staunch bullionists. The Indians, the Chinese, and other Asian trading partners had no use for the woolens that were England’s staple export commodity, so that nearly everything the English wished to acquire in the East Indies had to be paid for in silver. The result was an enormous outflow of precious metal, held up with horror as evidence that the East India Company was enriching itself but leading England to ruin. In various works, Defoe argues that trade is essential to England's strength, but that the kind carried on with the East Indies merely saps the nation’s vitality. In the late 1720s he says that trade had earlier been in a "melancholy and dismal" state: "Nothing but the East India Trade could be said to thrive; their Ships went out full of Money, and came home full of Poison; for it was all Poison to our Trade : The immense Sums of ready Money that went abroad to India impoverish’d our Trade, and indeed bid fair to starve it, and, in a word, to beggar the Nation." Defoe's enthusiasm over thriving commerce is well known, as is his ability to find merit even in kinds of trade that aroused opposition then and since, such as doing business with an enemy during wartime. Less familiar are the points at which he deems "pernicious Trading" contrary to the national interest. At the time the three volumes of Robinson Crusoe were being written and published, Defoe's objections to the East India trade took on particular topicality and urgency. The chief manufactures being imported were silk and particularly cotton fabrics ; their popularity had caused a crisis throughout the woollen trade, which at the time was crucial to the English economy. Defoe campaigned actively in behalf of the woollen trade in The Manufacturer, a journal he produced between October 1719 and March 1721, and in various polemical pamphlets. He contended that the health of the economy required a complete ban on the Asian cottons known as "callicoes," and his campaign was successful ; in 1720, Parliament passed "An Act to preserve and encourage the Woollen and Silk Manufactures of this Kingdom, and for more effectual employing the Poor, by prohibiting the Use and Wear of all printed, painted, stained or dyed Callicoes in Apparel, Houshold Stuff, Furniture, or otherwise." Despite resistance by the East India Company, Defoe's socioeconomic assessment of the situation prevailed. His opposition to the East India trade was not a phobia peculiar to him, but a principled, persuasively argued position, eventually endorsed by a parliamentary majority. In the decades preceding the Crusoe volumes, traders who write about their experience tend to harp on the difficulties of doing business in China ; several find more shrewdness than uprightness in their Chinese counterparts. This is a recurrent complaint, even in accounts that are generally positive, as those of the Jesuits tend to be. Ferdinand de los Rios is unusually vehement : "this is the true Kingdom of the Devil, and where he may be said to govern with absolute Power. Every . . . Chinese, seems to be possess'd by him ; for there is no piece of Malice, or Fraud, but what they attempt. The Government, tho' outwardly it appears good, as to Order and Method, for its Security ; yet when you once have Experience of its Practice, you will find it is all a Contrivance of the Devil. Tho' they do not here publickly rob, or plunder Strangers, they do it another worse Way. " When he denies that Chinese order is evidence of good government, and finds everything "a Contrivance of the Devil," whose "true Kingdom" it is, this missionary anticipates Defoe, who also refuses to believe that there is much substance to whatever "outwardly . . . appears good," and thinks the devil "may be said to govern with absolute Power." But Defoe goes a step farther than Father Ferdinand and other Jesuits who include occasional criticisms in their generally admiring reports. As we shall see, he holds up the Jesuits' own way of seeking to establish Christianity in China as proof of the devil's total sway there. Writings by actual traders, however, had little influence on Defoe's treatment of China in his novels; nor is this surprising, since he represents Crusoe and his other peripatetic heroes not as merchants but adventurers, who from time to time happen to buy and sell. In their later careers, Colonel Jack and Captain Singleton are persistently anxious and vulnerable because of their own guilt, past or present. Crusoe is anxious and vulnerable in the East Indies only briefly, until he can get rid of a ship that he has purchased innocently but unwarily from some pirates who had stolen it. He experiences momentary "Anxieties and Perplexities," but these are based on a real danger of being seized and summarily executed as a pirate by an English or Dutch ship, not on any "Apprehensions" involving the Chinese. In any case, I see no grounds for supposing that Defoe's criticism of China is provoked by frustration, either his own or Crusoe's, over doing business there. Crusoe trades quite profitably with the Chinese, without encountering any intransigence or dishonesty on their part. Nor do I find any evidence in the Crusoe volumes or elsewhere that Defoe wishes the Chinese were more accessible or accommodating, so that trade with them could be easier and more profitable. Agents of the East India Company do express annoyance at Chinese bureaucracy and dishonesty. But Defoe, far from seeking to facilitate or enlarge a trade that he judges inimical to English interests, writes caustically against it, and tries to turn his countrymen’s attention elsewhere. Both Africa and South America seem to him more promising, either for beneficial commerce or colonization. Nor is China a commercial rival striving to export its fabrics, tea, or porcelain to markets in which they would compete against English goods. The chief threat to English welfare is posed by the English themselves : We see our trade sick and languishing, and our poor starving before our eyes; and know that we our selves are the only cause of it, are yet so obstinately and unalterably averse to our own manufacture, and fond of novelties and trifles, that we will not wear our own goods, but will at any hazard make use of things foreign to us, the labour and advantage of strangers, pagans, negroes, or any kind of people rather than our own. Indifferent or blind to their own interests, the English perversely insist on using Chinese tea, cotton, silk, and porcelain, even though domestic beverages, fabrics, and housewares are available, and in Defoe's judgment, superior. The East India Company is as culpable as the fickle and foolish English buyer: it profits at the expense of national prosperity, by sending silver out of the country to fetch back needless trumpery and gewgaws. For importing, purchasing, and consuming such products, Defoe holds his countrymen responsible, but cannot and does not blame the Chinese. Governance Western admirers of China focused on the mandarins, whose power and prestige were based not on inheritance but on ability and learning, as tested through examinations. Defoe concentrates instead on the populace at large, insisting that a country cannot be a utopia if most of its people live in misery. He gives the Chinese credit for industriousness, referring to their "indefatigable Application," but thinks the benefits of this virtue are negated by a social and economic system that reduces most of the population to misery. Crusoe finds the country "infinitely populous, but miserably cultivated; the Husbandry, the Oeconomy, and the Way of living, miserable . . . I say, miserable, and so it is, if we who understand how to live were to endure it, or to compare it with our own, but not so to these poor Wretches who know no other." In later writings Defoe similarly emphasizes the wretchedness of the Chinese people, less to elicit pity for them than to suggest that their degradation is the natural result of tyranny—unless the folk respond to despotic abuse by becoming a rebellious mob, and forcibly reconstitute the social bonds that a tyrant has in effect dissolved. At work here is the principle that even a dangerous, unruly mob is better than a weak-spirited, slavish populace. In polemical contexts, Defoe sometimes impugns the actions or language of adversaries by associating them with the intemperateness and violence of the mob. But at other times he treats the mob as a valid representative of the will of the people, driven to desperation by tyranny. Under such provocation, when the normal political order has been violated by a despot, Defoe deems it natural for the populace to assert itself as the fundamental source and beneficiary of all government. Even in their excesses, the English people, willing and able to defend themselves, have demonstrated a superiority to their counterparts elsewhere. Defoe contrasts the irrepressible English most frequently and favorably with the supine peasants of France, whose misery does not lessen their deference to royal, aristocratic, and clerical masters. The people of Prussia, also exploited by despotic rulers, are similarly acquiescent. The English alone realize, and have historically insisted upon, their collective rights. However arguable they may be, these assumptions are central to his critique of China. "What Policy," Defoe demands, "is required in governing a People, of whom 'tis said, that if you command them to hang themselves, they will only cry a little, and submit immediately ?" Besides being a specimen of his mordant humor, this is part of his indictment of the vaunted Chinese system of government : "an absolute Tyranny," in his opinion, is "the easiest Way of Ruling in the World, where the People are dispos'd to obey, as blindly as the Mandarin commands or governs imperiously." Refusing to join the chorus of China's Western admirers, Defoe denies that the maintenance of order in such a vast and populous nation is owing to great political acumen. A major objective of his long poem Jure Divino (1706) is to discredit the Tory and High Church doctrine of passive obedience; he argues that the apologists for Stuart absolutism and "divine right" seek to justify tyranny, and that the submission to royal and clerical authority they demand is tantamount to slavery. Defoe's theories of government include a conviction that blind obedience shows people to be fools, not good citizens: "Nations who to Tyranny submit / Can ne’er be scandaliz'd for too much Wit". Such obedience is unnatural : when beaten, even "Balaam's Beast durst in Resistance bray," and "Nature abhors the vile submissive Slave". The Chinese polity is deplorable not only for being a tyranny—Europe and the Near East have had their share of those, as the historical pageant of books 7–10 makes clear—but for its victims yielding to tyranny so abjectly. Defoe is aware of the anarchic potential of the English mob, but when its liberty is in jeopardy, its recourse to violence seems to him legitimate, and preferable to the cowed compliance of the common people in France or China, who meekly bow under their yokes. To him, such docility signals a demoralized and spiritless populace, not a well-governed society. Crusoe calls the Chinese "a contemptible Hoord or Crowd of ignorant sordid Slaves ; subjected to a Government qualified only to rule such a People." Their submissiveness to superiors shows the dire consequences of divine-right theories of government. That the Chinese social order rests on such principles had long been asserted by its critics : "The Government of this Kingdome is meerly tyrannicall; there being no other Lord but the King . . . The King alone is the generall Landlord, and him the subjects do not onely reverence as a Prince, but adore like a God. For in the chief City of every Province, they have the Kings portraiture made of gold, which is always covered with a veil: and at every New-moon, the Magistrates and other inferiour Officers use to kneel before it, as if it were the King himself. By these and other artifices of the like contrivement the Common-people are kept in such awe and fear, that they are rather slaves than subjects." Defoe himself suggests, through the careers of his fictional heroes and heroines, that spirited unruliness is better than acquiescent resignation ; the novels display sympathy with those who respond aggressively to adversity, and contempt for those who cringe, truckle, and grovel. To be sure, he often satirizes English fractiousness and restiveness, yet English insubordination has served historically as a check on tyranny. The only alternative, in Defoe's view, is the acquiescence exemplified by the French and the Chinese. In such societies, If the exalted Tyrant Claims his Right, The Passive Slave must patiently submit ; His Wife, Life, Land, his Sword and Gun resign, And neither must Resist, nor may Repine ; If to be murther'd, must to Fate give way, And if to Hang his Passive Self : Obey. Such, he suggests, are the consequences of patiently submitting, whether in France or in China. Defoe regards France, however, as a great nation and a genuine threat to England. He repeatedly argues that the English tendency to "Undervalue and Contemn" the power of France is foolish and dangerous : "Tis an allow'd Maxim in War, never to Contemn the meanest Adversary; and it must pass with me for a Maxim in Politicks, Not to Contemn the Power that is so far from Mean, that 'tis a Match for half the World." If Defoe had perceived China as a menace to England or its interests, he probably would have tried to alert his countrymen to the danger by emphasizing, not by "Undervalu[ing] and Contemn[ing]," its accomplishments and its strengths. France worried him, and to galvanize his complacent countrymen, he played Cassandra. If China had worried him, it seems unlikely that he would resort to "compensatory fantasies" to avoid acknowledging that threat. Religion In the Serious Reflections, Defoe has Crusoe declare, "As to their Religion, 'tis all summ'd up in Confucius his Maxims, whose Theology, I take to be a Rhapsody of Moral Conclusions; a Foundation, or what we may call Elements of Polity, Morality and Superstition, huddl'd together in a Rhapsody of Words, without Consistency, and indeed with very little Reasoning in it." Various writers of the time share this view; some are even more critical of the Confucian texts, and see no point in debating the merits of a moral code which (in their view) has so little bearing on actual behavior. Defoe attacks China even more sweepingly in the Serious Reflections of August 1720 than he had in the Farther Adventures a year earlier. One provocation may have been Charles Gildon’s assertion in September 1719 that Sir William Temple's favorable account of China was more trustworthy than Robinson Crusoe's slurs in the Farther Adventures. The context for Temple's praise of Confucius and traditional Chinese philosophy was the "Ancients versus Moderns" controversy. Temple's essays made him the leading English advocate of the merits of the Ancients ; William Wotton's slighting account of Chinese learning, particularly in natural science and medicine, was one aspect of his defense of the Moderns. Defoe's denigration of Confucius aligns him with the Moderns, as does his insistence on the cultural importance of printing and gunpowder. Furthermore, Temple praises the very elements in Confucianism which were becoming shibboleths of the English deists, regarding the strength of "natural reason" and its sufficiency for the attainment of human happiness. Temple acknowledges that the reputation of the Chinese for "wisdom and knowledge" is "apt to be lessened by their gross and sottish idolatry," but he thinks such religious beliefs and practices are confined to "the vulgar or illiterate," "the common people and the women. " The learned, in contrast, "adore the spirit of the world, which they hold to be eternal; and this without temples, idols, or priests." The accuracy of Temple's conception of Confucianism scarcely matters: like Defoe's writing on China, it reveals more about the English author than his Chinese subject. Implicit in Temple's admiration for Confucian thought is his own skeptical or deistic preference for reason over revelation, and for a religion of nature cultivated by literati over one requiring temples or priests and catering to common people and women. In adopting Wotton's low rather than Temple's high opinion of Confucianism, Defoe challenges an English attitude he sees as absurd and insidious. Besides overrating Confucian thought, Temple and other freethinkers hold up as meritorious those features of it most baneful to Protestant Christianity. Prizing only the "natural" and the "rational," they associate organized religion with priestcraft, and the supernatural (including revelation) with superstition. In The Consolidator, Defoe parodies the uncritical adulation of Chinese wisdom and knowledge. Temple is not attacked by name, but he was the most influential English spokesman for the view that China epitomized Ancient superiority, and his claims would probably have been identified by readers as those being mocked. Temple's exalted notion of Confucianism relied on accounts by the Jesuits, whose writings were a major source of Defoe's information as well. The value of their testimony, and of their actual missionary activity, was called into question by rival orders; these conflicts culminated in 1715 with Pope Clement's bull condemning the Jesuits' position. Opponents accused them of adapting Christianity to Chinese paganism, both to avoid giving offense and to gain proselytes, and of reinforcing rather than purifying a debased religion, by grafting onto it the worship of images—the very feature of Roman Catholicism most repugnant to a Protestant like Defoe. From his perspective, the version of Christianity propagated by the Jesuits and the traditional religion of China were both idolatrous. In the Farther Adventures, however, the Jesuit fathers are credited with courage, zeal, and unselfishness in their missionary efforts. Catholic as well as Protestant critics accused the order of selfish motives and sinister methods, but Defoe does not. Through this moderation, he brings out the disparity between the worthy intentions and the sorry results of the would-be Christianizers of China ; the Jesuits' efforts have been prolonged, dedicated, but altogether nugatory. Defoe interprets this failure not as evidence of either Jesuit weakness or Chinese strength, but as proof of the subtlety and resourcefulness of the powers of darkness. As he sees it, prior to the Jesuits' arrival, the dominion of the devil over China had been complete. A genuine conversion of the Chinese to Christianity would have deprived Satan of millions of subjects, but the labors of the Jesuits merely confirmed his sway. Thus Defoe says in the Serious Reflections, "The Missionaries in China tolerated the Worshipping the Devil," and that "the Jesuits join'd the Paganism of the Heathen with the High Mass." Elsewhere he says of Satan, the Jesuits and he form'd a hotch-potch of religion made up of Popery and Paganism . . . blending the faith of Christ and the philosophy or morals of Confucius together . . . by which means the politick interest of the mission was preserved, and yet Satan lost not one inch of ground with the Chineses. . . . Thus the mission has in it self been truly devilish, and the Devil has interested himself in the planting the christian religion in China. Such charges were reiterated frequently, even by critics who did not go so far as to identify the devil as the object of Chinese idolatry. In treating the devil, the Jesuits, and the Chinese as so well suited to each other, Defoe collapses the distinction Temple drew between the sophisticated beliefs of the literati and the "gross and sottish idolatry“ of the common people, and lumps all Chinese religion together as idolatrous. He can see th" point in primitive people adoring something as glorious and influential as the sun, but it makes no sense to him to worship something made of base materials, incorporating features drawn from lower animals and disturbed imaginations, and apparently inspiring more anxiety than admiration in its devotees. Such an idol, he thinks, must be the devil : if not an image of him, an object contrived by him to keep his worshipers in slavish, fearful subjection. He sees the idols of China in this light, and judges Chinese religion accordingly. Crusoe might simply have deplored the depths to which religion had sunk, and gone his way. His indignation reaches its highest pitch, however, not when he himself feels endangered, but when strong revulsion is aroused in him by a conviction that this or that practice is against nature. When Defoe considers something totally unnatural, he makes his fictional characters respond with shock and repugnance. Moll Flanders discovers in Virginia that she is married to her half-brother, and finds incest intolerably "nauseous and surfeiting" ; Crusoe is similarly horrified and physically sickened when, on his island, he encounters Caribbean cannibalism. Contemplating Chinese and Mongolian idols in the Farther Adventures, he experiences similar sensations. Defoe portrays these as natural recoils from unnatural situations : spontaneous, immediate reactions, extreme but understandable. Yet Moll does not act at once on her sense that "coming between the Sheets" with her brother is no better than sleeping with a dog, nor had Crusoe acted on his strong urge to punish the cannibals for their barbarity. But the Mongolian idol arouses in him an abhorrence, and a determination to do away with it, which are not abandoned. He does not reflect (as he had on the earlier occasion) that bad as the objects of his detestation might be, it is no business of his to be punishing them. Instead, he contrives and executes his foolhardy scheme without serious misgivings. He represents this particular idol as utterly unnatural : by destroying it, he thinks he is ridding the world of an affront to nature and the true God. Devilish idols are the grimmest specimens of monstrosity that Crusoe encounters in China, but their misshapen incongruity is often brought out through droll touches, such as the reference to one of them as "a kind of celestial Hedgehog." Other deviations from what Defoe regards as natural are more comic, such as the episode in which a proud "Country Gentleman" is fed by his servants : he sat lolling back in a great Elbo Chair, being a heavy corpulent Man, and his Meat being brought him by two Women Slaves; he had two more, whose Office, I think, few Gentlemen in Europe would accept of their Service in, (viz.) One fed the Squire with a Spoon, and the other held the Dish with one Hand, and scrap’d off what he let fall upon his Worship's Beard and Taffaty Vest, while the great fat Brute thought it below him to employ his own Hands in any of those familiar Offices, which Kings and Monarchs would rather do, than be troubled with the clumsy Fingers of their Servants. For a grown man to be fed like a baby by his "Slaves" is unnatural, but this "greasy Don," whose "Mixture of Pomp and Poverty" is likened to Don Quixote's, is made to appear more absurd than sinister. He is described at greater length than anyone else Crusoe encounters in China, and personifies what Defoe sees as China's baseless conceit. At the same time, this vignette is part of a larger pattern, suggesting that passivity is endemic to Chinese character and culture. Otherwise, Defoe implies, the populace would not acquiesce in its misery and submit to its enslavement. An adult male being spoon-fed is regarded by the Chinese as a display of his power and dignity, but by Defoe as a shameful spectacle of weakness and dependence. The implicit contrast is with manly self-reliance, the value of which Crusoe had demonstrated on his island, in the account of his Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures published only four months earlier. In any case, the satiric comedy of the "Country Gentleman" episode recurs at several points during Crusoe's travels in China : for instance, when he deflates China's achievements in porcelain by referring to ludicrous exaggerations ; when he derides its expertise in astronomy by dramatizing its belief that eclipses are caused by dragons ; and, most pointedly, in his "speaking in Colours" about the Great Wall. Such moments may be more sardonic than hilarious, but they help to make the prevailing tone far from one of shrill anxiety. Crusoe and his European traveling companions, a gentlemanly French missionary priest and a worldly-wise Portuguese pilot, find most of China's pretensions laughable, and "us'd to be very merry upon these Occasions" : not the mood of a man burdened with nightmarish fantasies or obsessions. Conclusion From the evidence assembled here, it should be clear that Defoe has a low opinion of what he takes to be China's system of governance and its religion. Among goods imported from China, some, such as tea, he thinks should be grown in English territories nearer home, and others, particularly lightweight fabrics, banned altogether. He regards the entire trade as benefitting only China, India, and the East India Company, and as damaging to British and European interests. He opposes it because he is convinced that the woollen trade is vital to English welfare, and that paying for imports with bullion is fatal to commerce. His epithets for the goods themselves range from belittling ("trifles") to scathing ("trash"), yet neither they nor their Chinese producers are as much the objects of his scorn as the English : both the East India Company which pursues its own profit rather than national prosperity, and the consumers who prefer insubstantial imports over superior domestic products. As for Defoe's criticism of other aspects of Chinese culture, I have suggested that even when he prefers something British to its Chinese counterpart—unruly mob over „submissive Slave,“ or Protestant Christianity over devilish idolatry—his satire often is directed less toward the Chinese institution or custom itself than against those in the West who confer legitimacy on absolutism in the political sphere, or freethinking in the religious sphere, under the guise of honoring antiquity, stability, "natural reason," and the like. In short, Defoe perceives China as a monitory example. What poses a threat, in his opinion, is the perverse Western appetite for Chinese goods, beliefs, and practices. For Europeans to indulge this fondness seems to him not merely foolish but pernicious in its commercial, political, and religious consequences. |
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| 2 | 1705 |
Defoe, Daniel. The consolidator : or, memoirs of sundry transactions from the world in the moon [ID D26815]. Quellen : A Collection of voyages and travels [ID D26789]. Le Comte, Louis. Nouveaux mémoires sur l'état de la Chine [ID D1771]. ... As this great Monarch has Improved his Country, by introducing the Manners and Customs of the Politer Nations of Europe; so, with Indefatigable Industry, he has settled a new, but constant Trade, between his Country and China, by Land; where his Carravans go twice or thrice a Year, as Numerous almost, and as strong, as those from Egypt to Persia: Nor is the Way shorter, or the Desarts they pass over less wild and uninhabitable, only that they are not so subject to Flouds of Sand, if that Term be proper, or to Troops of Arabs, to destroy them by the way; for this powerful Prince, to make this terrible Journey feazible to his Subjects, has built Forts, planted Collonies and Garisons at proper Distances; where, though they are seated in Countries intirely Barren, and among uninhabited Rocks and Sands; yet, by his continual furnishing them from his own Stores, the Merchants travelling are reliev'd on good Terms, and meet both with Convoy and Refreshment... More might be said of the admirable Decorations of this Journey, and how so prodigious an Attempt is made easy; so that now they have an exact Correspondence, and drive a prodigious Trade between Muscow and Tonquin; but having a longer Voyage in Hand, I shall not detain the Reader, nor keep him till he grows too big with Expectation. Now, as all Men know the Chineses are an Ancient, Wise, Polite, and most Ingenious People; so the Muscovites begun to reap the Benefit of this open Trade; and not only to grow exceeding Rich by the bartering for all the Wealth of those Eastern Countries; but to polish and refine their Customs and Manners, as much on that side as they have from their European Improvements on this. And as the Chineses have many sorts of Learning which these Parts of the World never heard of, so all those useful Inventions which we admire ourselves so much for, are vulgar and common with them, and were in use long before our Parts of the World were Inhabited. Thus Gun-powder, Printing, and the use of the Magnet and Compass, which we call Modern Inventions, are not only far from being Inventions, but fall so far short of the Perfection of Art they have attained to, that it is hardly Credible, what wonderful things we are told of from thence, and all the Voyages the Author has made thither being imploy'd another way, have not yet furnish'd him with the Particulars fully enough to transmit them to view; not but that he is preparing a Scheme of all those excellent Arts those Nations are Masters of, for publick View, by way of Detection of the monstrous Ignorance and Deficiencies of European Science; which may serve as a Lexicon Technicum for this present Age, with useful Diagrams for that purpose; wherein I shall not fail to acqaint the World, 1. With the Art of Gunnery, as Practis'd in China long before the War of the Giants, and by which those Presumptuous Animals fired Red-hot Bullets right up into Heaven, and made a Breach sufficient to encourage them to a General Storm; but being Repulsed with great Slaughter, they gave over the Siege for that time. This memorable part of History shall be a faithful Abridgement of Ibra chizra-le-peglizar, Historiagrapher-Royal to the Emperor of China, who wrote Anno Mundi 114. his Volumes extant, in the Publick Library at Tonquin, Printed in Leaves of Vitrify'd Diamond, by an admirable Dexterity, struck all at an oblique Motion, the Engine remaining intire, and still fit for use, in the Chamber of the Emperor's Rarities. And here I shall give you a Draft of the Engine it self, and a Plan of its Operation, and the wonderful Dexterity of its Performance. If these Labours of mine shall prove successful, I may in my next Journey that way, take an Abstract of their most admirable Tracts in Navigation, and the Mysteries of Chinese Mathematicks; which out-do all Modern Invention at that Rate, that 'tis Inconceivable: In this Elaborate Work I must run thro' the 365 Volumes of Augro-machi-lanquaro-zi, the most ancient Mathematician in all China: From thence I shall give a Description of a Fleet of Ships of 100000 Sail, built at the Expence of the Emperor Tangro the 15th; who having Notice of the General Deluge, prepar'd these Vessels, to every City and Town in his Dominions One, and in Bulk proportion'd to the number of its Inhabitants; into which Vessel all the People, with such Moveables as they thought fit to save, and with 120 Days Provisions, were receiv'd at the time of the Floud; and the rest of their Goods being put into great Vessels made of China Ware, and fast luted down on the top, were preserv'd unhurt by the Water: These Ships they furnish'd with 600 Fathom of Chain instead of Cables; which being fastned by wonderful Arts to the Earth, every Vessel rid out the Deluge just at the Town's end; so that when the Waters abated, the People had nothing to do, but to open the Doors made in the Ship-sides, and come out, repair their Houses, open the great China Pots their Goods were in, and so put themselves in Statu Quo. The Draft of one of these Ships I may perhaps obtain by my Interest in the present Emperor's Court, as it has been preserv'd ever since, and constantly repair'd, riding at Anchor in a great Lake, about 100 Miles from Tonquin; in which all the People of that City were preferv'd, amounting by their Computation to about a Million and half. And as these things must be very useful in these Parts, to abate the Pride and Arrogance of our Modern Undertakers of great Enterprizes, Authors of strange Foreign Accounts, Philosophical Transactions, and the like; if Time and Opportunity permit, I may let them know, how Infinitely we are out-done by those refined Nations, in all manner of Mechanick Improvements and Arts; and in discoursing of this, it will necessarily come in my way to speak of a most Noble Invention, being an Engine I would recommend to all People to whom 'tis necessary to have a good Memory; and which I design, if possible, to obtain a Draft of, that it may be Erected in our Royal Societies Laboratory: It has the wonderfullest Operations in the World: One part of it furnishes a Man of Business to dispatch his Affairs strangely; for if he be a Merchant, he shall write his Letters with one Hand, and Copy them with the other; if he is posting his Books, he shall post the Debtor side with one Hand, and the Creditor with the other; if he be a Lawyer, he draws his Drafts with one Hand, and Ingrosses them with the other. Another part of it furnishes him with such an Expeditious way of Writing, or Transcribing, that a Man cannot speak so fast, but he that hears shall have it down in Writing before 'tis spoken; and a Preacher shall deliver himself to his Auditory, and having this Engine before him, shall put down every thing he says in Writing at the same time; and so exactly is this Engine squar'd by Lines and Rules, that it does not require him that Writes to keep his Eye upon it. I am told, in some Parts of China, they had arriv'd to such a Perfection of Knowledge, as to understand one anothers Thoughts; and that it was found to be an excellent Preservative to humane Society, against all sorts of Frauds, Cheats, Sharping, and many Thousand European Inventions of that Nature, at which only we can be said to out-do those Nations. I confess, I have not yet had leisure to travel those Parts, having been diverted by an accidental Opportunity of a new Voyage I had occasion to make for farther Discoveries, and which the Pleasure and Usefulness thereof having been very great, I have omitted the other for the present, but shall not fail to make a Visit to those Parts the first Opportunity, and shall give my Country-men the best Account I can of those things; for I doubt not in Time to bring our Nation, so fam'd for improving other People's Discoveries, to be as wise as any of those Heathen Nations; I wish I had the same Prospect of making them half so honest. I had spent but a few Months in this Country, but my search after the Prodigy of humane Knowledge the People abounds with, led me into Acquaintance with some of their principal Artists, Engineers, and Men of Letters; and I was astonish'd at every Day's Discovery of new and of unheard-of Worlds of Learning; but I Improv'd in the Superficial Knowledge of their General, by no body so much as by my Conversation with the Library-keeper of Tonquin, by whom I had Admission into the vast Collection of Books, which the Emperors of that Country have treasur'd up. It would be endless to give you a Catalogue, and they admit of no Strangers to write any thing down, but what the Memory can retain, you are welcome to carry away with you; and amongst the wonderful Volumes of Antient and Modern Learning, I could not but take Notice of a few; which, besides those I mentioned before, I saw, when I lookt over this vast Collection; and a larger Account may be given in our next. It would be needless to Transcribe the Chinese Character, or to put their Alphabet into our Letters, because the Words would be both Unintelligible, and very hard to Pronounce; and therefore, to avoid hard Words, and Hyroglyphicks, I'll translate them as well as I can. The first Class I came to of Books, was the Constitutions of the Empire; these are vast great Volumes, and have a sort of Engine like our Magna Charta, to remove 'em, and with placing them in a Frame, by turning a Screw, open'd the Leaves, and folded them this way, or that, as the Reader desires. It was present Death for the Library-keeper to refuse the meanest Chinese Subject to come in and read them; for 'tis their Maxim, That all People ought to know the Laws by which they are to be govern'd; and as above all People, we find no Fools in this Country, so the Emperors, though they seem to be Arbitrary, enjoy the greatest Authority in the World, by always observing, with the greatest Exactness, the Pacta Conventa of their Government: From these Principles it is impossible we should ever hear, either of the Tyranny of Princes, or Rebellion of Subjects, in all their Histories. At the Entrance into this Class, you find some Ancient Comments, upon the Constitution of the Empire, written many Ages before we pretend the World began; but above all, One I took particular notice of, which might bear this Title, Natural Right prov'd Superior to Temporal Power; wherein the old Author proves, the Chinese Emperors were Originally made so, by Nature's directing the People, to place the Power of Government in the most worthy Person they could find; and the Author giving a most exact History of 2000 Emperors, brings them into about 35 or 36 Periods of Lines when the Race ended; and when a Collective Assembly of the Nobles, Cities, and People, Nominated a new Family to the Goverment... It was a certain Sign Aristotle had never been at China; for, had he seen the 216th Volume of the Chinese Navigation, in the Library I am speaking of, a large Book in Double Folio, wrote by the Famous Mira-cho-cho-lasmo, Vice-Admiral of China, and said to be printed there about 2000 Years before the Deluge, in the Chapter of Tides he would have seen the Reason of all the certain and uncertain Fluxes and Refluxes of that Element, how the exact Pace is kept between the Moon and the Tides, with a most elaborate Discourse there, of the Power of Sympathy, and the manner how the heavenly Bodies Influence the Earthly: Had he seen this, the Stagyrite would never have Drowned himself, because he could not comprehend this Mystery. 'Tis farther related of this Famous Author, that he was no Native of this World, but was Born in the Moon, and coming hither to make Discoveries, by a strange Invention arrived to by the Virtuosoes of that habitable World, the Emperor of China prevailed with him to stay and improve his Subjects, in the most exquisite Accomplishments of those Lunar Regions; and no wonder the Chinese are such exquisite Artists, and Masters of such sublime Knowledge, when this Famous Author has blest them with such unaccountable Methods of Improvement... Of the Consolidator. These Engines are call'd in their Country Language, Dupekasses; and according to the Ancient Chinese, or Tartarian, Apezolanthukanistes; in English, a Consolidator... Now, if it be true as is hinted before, That the Chinese Empire was Peopled long before the Flood; and that they were not destroyed in the General Deluge in the Days of Noah; 'tis no such strange thing, that they should so much out-do us in this sort of Eye-sight we call General Knowledge, since the Perfections bestow'd on Nature, when in her Youth and Prime met with no General Suffocation by that Calamity... Sekundärliteratur 1990 Willi Richard Berger : Mit vorgespielter Ernsthaftigkeit führt uns Defoe in ein Land, das der europäischen Welt unendlich überlegen ist. Schon allein die technischen Errungenschaften dieses 'ancient, wise, polite, and most ingenious people' beweisen 'the monstrous ignorance and deficiencies of European science'. Ganz unmerklich geht dann aus den panegyrischen Topoi, die Defoe übereinanderhäuft, das Bild eines völlig phantastischen Landes hervor, das mit dem auf den Karten verzeichneten China nur noch wenig, dafür um so mehr mit den imaginären Fabelreichen zu tun hat, wie sie Lukian, Cyrano de Bergerac oder Swift ersonnen haben. Defoes chinesische Wissenschaftler etwa, die sich daran versuchen, aus Schweinsaugen so schafsichtige Gläser zu verfertigen, dass man durch sie den Wind sehen kann, sind unmittelbare Vorfahren jener Gelehrten an der Akademie von Lagado, die über Projekten solcher Art brüten, wie man Sonnenstrahlen aus Gurken ziehen oder den Marmor zu Kopf- und Nadelkissen wichklopfen könne. Die Superiorität der chinesischen Zivilisation ist natürlich in ihrer vielgerühmten Antiquitàt begründet, für die auch Defoe unwiderlegliche Zeugnisse anzuführen weiss. Die chinesische Weisheit geht nämlich bis auf die Zeit vor der Sintflut zurück, die man deswegen überstanden hat, weil der mit der Gabe der Präkognition begnadete Kaiser Tangro XV. in weiser Vorausschau eine Flotte von hunderttausend Schiffen hatte erbauen lassen. Damit aber nicht genug, ist diese Weisheit letztlich lunaren Usrprungs, zweitausend Jahre vor der Flut durch den gelehrten Mira-cho-cho-lasmo auf die Erde herabgebracht. Der Autor, der das alles mit Erstaunen vernimmt, lässt sich daher eine Maschine, the Consolidator, bauen, mit deren Hilfe auch er auf den Mond gelangt. Von dorther beschreibt er nun die politischen und religiösen Tagesstreitigkeiten im zeitgenössischen England : Zeitsatire in einer leicht zu durchschauenden fernöstlich-exotischen Verkleidung. Defoes Consolidator ist somit keine Satire gegen chinesische Zustände, sie benutzt China nur als Medium für den eigentlichen satirischen Zweck, indem sie die geläufigen Formeln der europäischen Sinophilie scheinbar ernst nimmt und sodann aufs Absurdeste übertreibt. Eine irdische Kolonie gewissermassen der Welt des Mondes, so will und dieses China des Consolidator erscheinen. 2007 Francis Wilson : The consolidator chronicles an imaginary voyage to the moon by way of China, with much of the work serving as thinly-veiled 'secret history' through which the author declaims on topical issues like religious intolerance, party politics, European war, and the limitations of contemporary scientific debate. But Defoe also uses the conventions of travel writing and the metaphor of the journey to raise fundamental questions concerning human nature, epistemology, and our innate [in]-capacity for self-awareness. Dofoe delivers a sharp satire on Chinese learning and culture, but an even more acerbic ommentary on Western travel literature. He ridicules both popular images of China as the repository of all earhly wisdom and the breeder of a race of technological supermen, Defoe's true contempt is reserved for those travel writers who have confused data transcription for empirical observation, and romantic fiction for cultural representation. He is more interested here in the deeper philosophical implications of these 'myths' than their potential commercial or imperial consequences. By lampooning familiar thematic and stylistic conventions of eye-witness travel accounts, Defoe works within the China section of his tract to re-affirm the bonds of human nature uniting the Chinese with the Europeans, rather than to invert any perceived sense of a cultural gap between the two. So many of the engines and instruments which the narrator encounters, both in China and later on the moon, are devices to improve human perception. By launching the narrator to a lunar world that corresponds exactly with this one, Defoe effectively sends him home. Ensconced in a facsimile Britain, with vistas extending no further than an alternative Europe, the narrator turns his new scientific toys on his own people, thus disminishing the narrative's scope for transcultural representation. Yet the themes that dominate the earlier Chinese section remain relevant throughout the work and foreshadow the extended interrogation of human nature and its frailties that takes place on the moon. The debate over the merits of ancient and modern learning, concerns about the limitations of the new science, and anxieties over the clash between secular and sacred historical traditions, were all issues featuring in the ironic dialogue between the travel narratives of the period and Defoe's deeper concern about the philosophical assumptions underpinning these cultural representations. Perhaps the satire's greates irony lies in the outrage it expresses over the damage inflicted by derivative and inaccurate travel texts – though expressed by the most consummate 'travel liar' in history. Yet, born out of Defoe's personal frustration and disappointment, The consolidator is a melancholy work that questions whether man can ever find a way to understand his neighbour, let alone someone in the text town. |
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| 3 | 1719.1 |
Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner [ID D26791]. (1) Quellen : Le Comte, Louis. Nouveaux mémoires sur l'état de la Chine [ID D1771]. Dampier, William. Nouveau voyage autour du monde [ID D1778]. Hundt, Michael. Beschreibung der dreijährigen chinesischen Reise : die russische Gesandtschaft von Moskau nach Peking 1692-1695 in den Darstellungen von Eberhard Isbrand Ides und Adam Brand. [ID D4572]. Domingo Fernandez Navarrete. Chapter XII : The carpenter's whimsical contrivance. The inhabitants came wondering down the shore to look at us; and seeing the ship lie down on one side in such a manner, and heeling in towards the shore, and not seeing our men, who were at work on her bottom with stages, and with their boats on the off-side, they presently concluded that the ship was cast away, and lay fast on the ground. On this supposition they came about us in two or three hours' time with ten or twelve large boats, having some of them eight, some ten men in a boat, intending, no doubt, to have come on board and plundered the ship, and if they found us there, to have carried us away for slaves. When they came up to the ship, and began to row round her, they discovered us all hard at work on the outside of the ship's bottom and side, washing, and graving, and stopping, as every seafaring man knows how. They stood for a while gazing at us, and we, who were a little surprised, could not imagine what their design was; but being willing to be sure, we took this opportunity to get some of us into the ship, and others to hand down arms and ammunition to those that were at work, to defend themselves with if there should be occasion. And it was no more than need: for in less than a quarter of an hour's consultation, they agreed, it seems, that the ship was really a wreck, and that we were all at work endeavouring to save her, or to save our lives by the help of our boats; and when we handed our arms into the boat, they concluded, by that act, that we were endeavouring to save some of our goods. Upon this, they took it for granted we all belonged to them, and away they came directly upon our men, as if it had been in a line-of-battle. Our men, seeing so many of them, began to be frightened, for we lay but in an ill posture to fight, and cried out to us to know what they should do. I immediately called to the men that worked upon the stages to slip them down, and get up the side into the ship, and bade those in the boat to row round and come on board. The few who were on board worked with all the strength and hands we had to bring the ship to rights; however, neither the men upon the stages nor those in the boats could do as they were ordered before the Cochin Chinese were upon them, when two of their boats boarded our longboat, and began to lay hold of the men as their prisoners. The first man they laid hold of was an English seaman, a stout, strong fellow, who having a musket in his hand, never offered to fire it, but laid it down in the boat, like a fool, as I thought; but he understood his business better than I could teach him, for he grappled the Pagan, and dragged him by main force out of their boat into ours, where, taking him by the ears, he beat his head so against the boat's gunnel that the fellow died in his hands. In the meantime, a Dutchman, who stood next, took up the musket, and with the butt-end of it so laid about him, that he knocked down five of them who attempted to enter the boat. But this was doing little towards resisting thirty or forty men, who, fearless because ignorant of their danger, began to throw themselves into the longboat, where we had but five men in all to defend it; but the following accident, which deserved our laughter, gave our men a complete victory. Our carpenter being prepared to grave the outside of the ship, as well as to pay the seams where he had caulked her to stop the leaks, had got two kettles just let down into the boat, one filled with boiling pitch, and the other with rosin, tallow, and oil, and such stuff as the shipwrights use for that work; and the man that attended the carpenter had a great iron ladle in his hand, with which he supplied the men that were at work with the hot stuff. Two of the enemy's men entered the boat just where this fellow stood in the foresheets; he immediately saluted them with a ladle full of the stuff, boiling hot which so burned and scalded them, being half-naked that they roared out like bulls, and, enraged with the fire, leaped both into the sea. The carpenter saw it, and cried out, "Well done, Jack! give them some more of it!" and stepping forward himself, takes one of the mops, and dipping it in the pitch-pot, he and his man threw it among them so plentifully that, in short, of all the men in the three boats, there was not one that escaped being scalded in a most frightful manner, and made such a howling and crying that I never heard a worse noise. I was never better pleased with a victory in my life; not only as it was a perfect surprise to me, and that our danger was imminent before, but as we got this victory without any bloodshed, except of that man the seaman killed with his naked hands, and which I was very much concerned at. Although it maybe a just thing, because necessary (for there is no necessary wickedness in nature), yet I thought it was a sad sort of life, when we must be always obliged to be killing our fellow-creatures to preserve ourselves; and, indeed, I think so still; and I would even now suffer a great deal rather than I would take away the life even of the worst person injuring me; and I believe all considering people, who know the value of life, would be of my opinion, if they entered seriously into the consideration of it. All the while this was doing, my partner and I, who managed the rest of the men on board, had with great dexterity brought the ship almost to rights, and having got the guns into their places again, the gunner called to me to bid our boat get out of the way, for he would let fly among them. I called back again to him, and bid him not offer to fire, for the carpenter would do the work without him; but bid him heat another pitch-kettle, which our cook, who was on broad, took care of. However, the enemy was so terrified with what they had met with in their first attack, that they would not come on again; and some of them who were farthest off, seeing the ship swim, as it were, upright, began, as we suppose, to see their mistake, and gave over the enterprise, finding it was not as they expected. Thus we got clear of this merry fight; and having got some rice and some roots and bread, with about sixteen hogs, on board two days before, we resolved to stay here no longer, but go forward, whatever came of it; for we made no doubt but we should be surrounded the next day with rogues enough, perhaps more than our pitch-kettle would dispose of for us. We therefore got all our things on board the same evening, and the next morning were ready to sail: in the meantime, lying at anchor at some distance from the shore, we were not so much concerned, being now in a fighting posture, as well as in a sailing posture, if any enemy had presented. The next day, having finished our work within board, and finding our ship was perfectly healed of all her leaks, we set sail. We would have gone into the bay of Tonquin, for we wanted to inform ourselves of what was to be known concerning the Dutch ships that had been there; but we durst not stand in there, because we had seen several ships go in, as we supposed, but a little before; so we kept on NE. towards the island of Formosa, as much afraid of being seen by a Dutch or English merchant ship as a Dutch or English merchant ship in the Mediterranean is of an Algerine man- of-war. When we were thus got to sea, we kept on NE., as if we would go to the Manillas or the Philippine Islands; and this we did that we might not fall into the way of any of the European ships; and then we steered north, till we came to the latitude of 22 degrees 30 seconds, by which means we made the island of Formosa directly, where we came to an anchor, in order to get water and fresh provisions, which the people there, who are very courteous in their manners, supplied us with willingly, and dealt very fairly and punctually with us in all their agreements and bargains. This is what we did not find among other people, and may be owing to the remains of Christianity which was once planted here by a Dutch missionary of Protestants, and it is a testimony of what I have often observed, viz. that the Christian religion always civilises the people, and reforms their manners, where it is received, whether it works saving effects upon them or no. From thence we sailed still north, keeping the coast of China at an equal distance, till we knew we were beyond all the ports of China where our European ships usually come; being resolved, if possible, not to fall into any of their hands, especially in this country, where, as our circumstances were, we could not fail of being entirely ruined. Being now come to the latitude of 30 degrees, we resolved to put into the first trading port we should come at; and standing in for the shore, a boat came of two leagues to us with an old Portuguese pilot on board, who, knowing us to be an European ship, came to offer his service, which, indeed, we were glad of and took him on board; upon which, without asking us whither we would go, he dismissed the boat he came in, and sent it back. I thought it was now so much in our choice to make the old man carry us whither we would, that I began to talk to him about carrying us to the Gulf of Nankin, which is the most northern part of the coast of China. The old man said he knew the Gulf of Nankin very well; but smiling, asked us what we would do there? I told him we would sell our cargo and purchase China wares, calicoes, raw silks, tea, wrought silks, &c. and so we would return by the same course we came. He told us our best port would have been to put in at Macao, where we could not have failed of a market for our opium to our satisfaction, and might for our money have purchased all sorts of China goods as cheap as we could at Nankin. Not being able to put the old man out of his talk, of which he was very opinionated or conceited, I told him we were gentlemen as well as merchants, and that we had a mind to go and see the great city of Pekin, and the famous court of the monarch of China. "Why, then," says the old man, "you should go to Ningpo, where, by the river which runs into the sea there, you may go up within five leagues of the great canal. This canal is a navigable stream, which goes through the heart of that vast empire of China, crosses all the rivers, passes some considerable hills by the help of sluices and gates, and goes up to the city of Pekin, being in length near two hundred and seventy leagues."--"Well," said I, "Seignior Portuguese, but that is not our business now; the great question is, if you can carry us up to the city of Nankin, from whence we can travel to Pekin afterwards?" He said he could do so very well, and that there was a great Dutch ship gone up that way just before. This gave me a little shock, for a Dutch ship was now our terror, and we had much rather have met the devil, at least if he had not come in too frightful a figure; and we depended upon it that a Dutch ship would be our destruction, for we were in no condition to fight them; all the ships they trade with into those parts being of great burden, and of much greater force than we were. The old man found me a little confused, and under some concern when he named a Dutch ship, and said to me, "Sir, you need be under no apprehensions of the Dutch; I suppose they are not now at war with your nation?"--"No," said I, "that's true; but I know not what liberties men may take when they are out of the reach of the laws of their own country."--"Why," says he, "you are no pirates; what need you fear? They will not meddle with peaceable merchants, sure." These words put me into the greatest disorder and confusion imaginable; nor was it possible for me to conceal it so, but the old man easily perceived it. "Sir," says he, "I find you are in some disorder in your thoughts at my talk: pray be pleased to go which way you think fit, and depend upon it, I'll do you all the service I can." Upon this we fell into further discourse, in which, to my alarm and amazement, he spoke of the villainous doings of a certain pirate ship that had long been the talk of mariners in those seas; no other, in a word, than the very ship he was now on board of, and which we had so unluckily purchased. I presently saw there was no help for it but to tell him the plain truth, and explain all the danger and trouble we had suffered through this misadventure, and, in particular, our earnest wish to be speedily quit of the ship altogether; for which reason we had resolved to carry her up to Nankin. The old man was amazed at this relation, and told us we were in the right to go away to the north; and that, if he might advise us, it should be to sell the ship in China, which we might well do, and buy, or build another in the country; adding that I should meet with customers enough for the ship at Nankin, that a Chinese junk would serve me very well to go back again, and that he would procure me people both to buy one and sell the other. "Well, but, seignior," said I, "as you say they know the ship so well, I may, perhaps, if I follow your measures, be instrumental to bring some honest, innocent men into a terrible broil; for wherever they find the ship they will prove the guilt upon the men, by proving this was the ship."--"Why," says the old man, "I'll find out a way to prevent that; for as I know all those commanders you speak of very well, and shall see them all as they pass by, I will be sure to set them to rights in the thing, and let them know that they had been so much in the wrong; that though the people who were on board at first might run away with the ship, yet it was not true that they had turned pirates; and that, in particular, these were not the men that first went off with the ship, but innocently bought her for their trade; and I am persuaded they will so far believe me as at least to act more cautiously for the time to come." In about thirteen days' sail we came to an anchor, at the south- west point of the great Gulf of Nankin; where I learned by accident that two Dutch ships were gone the length before me, and that I should certainly fall into their hands. I consulted my partner again in this exigency, and he was as much at a loss as I was. I then asked the old pilot if there was no creek or harbour which I might put into and pursue my business with the Chinese privately, and be in no danger of the enemy. He told me if I would sail to the southward about forty-two leagues, there was a little port called Quinchang, where the fathers of the mission usually landed from Macao, on their progress to teach the Christian religion to the Chinese, and where no European ships ever put in; and if I thought to put in there, I might consider what further course to take when I was on shore. He confessed, he said, it was not a place for merchants, except that at some certain times they had a kind of a fair there, when the merchants from Japan came over thither to buy Chinese merchandises. The name of the port I may perhaps spell wrong, having lost this, together with the names of many other places set down in a little pocket-book, which was spoiled by the water by an accident; but this I remember, that the Chinese merchants we corresponded with called it by a different name from that which our Portuguese pilot gave it, who pronounced it Quinchang. As we were unanimous in our resolution to go to this place, we weighed the next day, having only gone twice on shore where we were, to get fresh water; on both which occasions the people of the country were very civil, and brought abundance of provisions to sell to us; but nothing without money. We did not come to the other port (the wind being contrary) for five days; but it was very much to our satisfaction, and I was thankful when I set my foot on shore, resolving, and my partner too, that if it was possible to dispose of ourselves and effects any other way, though not profitably, we would never more set foot on board that unhappy vessel. Indeed, I must acknowledge, that of all the circumstances of life that ever I had any experience of, nothing makes mankind so completely miserable as that of being in constant fear. Well does the Scripture say, "The fear of man brings a snare"; it is a life of death, and the mind is so entirely oppressed by it, that it is capable of no relief. Nor did it fail of its usual operations upon the fancy, by heightening every danger; representing the English and Dutch captains to be men incapable of hearing reason, or of distinguishing between honest men and rogues; or between a story calculated for our own turn, made out of nothing, on purpose to deceive, and a true, genuine account of our whole voyage, progress, and design; for we might many ways have convinced any reasonable creatures that we were not pirates; the goods we had on board, the course we steered, our frankly showing ourselves, and entering into such and such ports; and even our very manner, the force we had, the number of men, the few arms, the little ammunition, short provisions; all these would have served to convince any men that we were no pirates. The opium and other goods we had on board would make it appear the ship had been at Bengal. The Dutchmen, who, it was said, had the names of all the men that were in the ship, might easily see that we were a mixture of English, Portuguese, and Indians, and but two Dutchmen on board. These, and many other particular circumstances, might have made it evident to the understanding of any commander, whose hands we might fall into, that we were no pirates. But fear, that blind, useless passion, worked another way, and threw us into the vapours; it bewildered our understandings, and set the imagination at work to form a thousand terrible things that perhaps might never happen. We first supposed, as indeed everybody had related to us, that the seamen on board the English and Dutch ships, but especially the Dutch, were so enraged at the name of a pirate, and especially at our beating off their boats and escaping, that they would not give themselves leave to inquire whether we were pirates or no, but would execute us off-hand, without giving us any room for a defence. We reflected that there really was so much apparent evidence before them, that they would scarce inquire after any more; as, first, that the ship was certainly the same, and that some of the seamen among them knew her, and had been on board her; and, secondly, that when we had intelligence at the river of Cambodia that they were coming down to examine us, we fought their boats and fled. Therefore we made no doubt but they were as fully satisfied of our being pirates as we were satisfied of the contrary; and, as I often said, I know not but I should have been apt to have taken those circumstances for evidence, if the tables were turned, and my case was theirs; and have made no scruple of cutting all the crew to pieces, without believing, or perhaps considering, what they might have to offer in their defence. But let that be how it will, these were our apprehensions; and both my partner and I scarce slept a night without dreaming of halters and yard-arms; of fighting, and being taken; of killing, and being killed: and one night I was in such a fury in my dream, fancying the Dutchmen had boarded us, and I was knocking one of their seamen down, that I struck my doubled fist against the side of the cabin I lay in with such a force as wounded my hand grievously, broke my knuckles, and cut and bruised the flesh, so that it awaked me out of my sleep. Another apprehension I had was, the cruel usage we might meet with from them if we fell into their hands; then the story of Amboyna came into my head, and how the Dutch might perhaps torture us, as they did our countrymen there, and make some of our men, by extremity of torture, confess to crimes they never were guilty of, or own themselves and all of us to be pirates, and so they would put us to death with a formal appearance of justice; and that they might be tempted to do this for the gain of our ship and cargo, worth altogether four or five thousand pounds. We did not consider that the captains of ships have no authority to act thus; and if we had surrendered prisoners to them, they could not answer the destroying us, or torturing us, but would be accountable for it when they came to their country. However, if they were to act thus with us, what advantage would it be to us that they should be called to an account for it?--or if we were first to be murdered, what satisfaction would it be to us to have them punished when they came home? I cannot refrain taking notice here what reflections I now had upon the vast variety of my particular circumstances; how hard I thought it that I, who had spent forty years in a life of continual difficulties, and was at last come, as it were, to the port or haven which all men drive at, viz. to have rest and plenty, should be a volunteer in new sorrows by my own unhappy choice, and that I, who had escaped so many dangers in my youth, should now come to be hanged in my old age, and in so remote a place, for a crime which I was not in the least inclined to, much less guilty of. After these thoughts something of religion would come in; and I would be considering that this seemed to me to be a disposition of immediate Providence, and I ought to look upon it and submit to it as such. For, although I was innocent as to men, I was far from being innocent as to my Maker; and I ought to look in and examine what other crimes in my life were most obvious to me, and for which Providence might justly inflict this punishment as a retribution; and thus I ought to submit to this, just as I would to a shipwreck, if it had pleased God to have brought such a disaster upon me. In its turn natural courage would sometimes take its place, and then I would be talking myself up to vigorous resolutions; that I would not be taken to be barbarously used by a parcel of merciless wretches in cold blood; that it were much better to have fallen into the hands of the savages, though I were sure they would feast upon me when they had taken me, than those who would perhaps glut their rage upon me by inhuman tortures and barbarities; that in the case of the savages, I always resolved to die fighting to the last gasp, and why should I not do so now? Whenever these thoughts prevailed, I was sure to put myself into a kind of fever with the agitation of a supposed fight; my blood would boil, and my eyes sparkle, as if I was engaged, and I always resolved to take no quarter at their hands; but even at last, if I could resist no longer, I would blow up the ship and all that was in her, and leave them but little booty to boast of. Chapter XIII : Arrival in China The greater weight the anxieties and perplexities of these things were to our thoughts while we were at sea, the greater was our satisfaction when we saw ourselves on shore; and my partner told me he dreamed that he had a very heavy load upon his back, which he was to carry up a hill, and found that he was not able to stand longer under it; but that the Portuguese pilot came and took it off his back, and the hill disappeared, the ground before him appearing all smooth and plain: and truly it was so; they were all like men who had a load taken off their backs. For my part I had a weight taken off from my heart that it was not able any longer to bear; and as I said above we resolved to go no more to sea in that ship. When we came on shore, the old pilot, who was now our friend, got us a lodging, together with a warehouse for our goods; it was a little hut, with a larger house adjoining to it, built and also palisadoed round with canes, to keep out pilferers, of which there were not a few in that country: however, the magistrates allowed us a little guard, and we had a soldier with a kind of half-pike, who stood sentinel at our door, to whom we allowed a pint of rice and a piece of money about the value of three-pence per day, so that our goods were kept very safe. The fair or mart usually kept at this place had been over some time; however, we found that there were three or four junks in the river, and two ships from Japan, with goods which they had bought in China, and were not gone away, having some Japanese merchants on shore. The first thing our old Portuguese pilot did for us was to get us acquainted with three missionary Romish priests who were in the town, and who had been there some time converting the people to Christianity; but we thought they made but poor work of it, and made them but sorry Christians when they had done. One of these was a Frenchman, whom they called Father Simon; another was a Portuguese; and a third a Genoese. Father Simon was courteous, and very agreeable company; but the other two were more reserved, seemed rigid and austere, and applied seriously to the work they came about, viz. to talk with and insinuate themselves among the inhabitants wherever they had opportunity. We often ate and drank with those men; and though I must confess the conversion, as they call it, of the Chinese to Christianity is so far from the true conversion required to bring heathen people to the faith of Christ, that it seems to amount to little more than letting them know the name of Christ, and say some prayers to the Virgin Mary and her Son, in a tongue which they understood not, and to cross themselves, and the like; yet it must be confessed that the religionists, whom we call missionaries, have a firm belief that these people will be saved, and that they are the instruments of it; and on this account they undergo not only the fatigue of the voyage, and the hazards of living in such places, but oftentimes death itself, and the most violent tortures, for the sake of this work. Father Simon was appointed, it seems, by order of the chief of the mission, to go up to Pekin, and waited only for another priest, who was ordered to come to him from Macao, to go along with him. We scarce ever met together but he was inviting me to go that journey; telling me how he would show me all the glorious things of that mighty empire, and, among the rest, Pekin, the greatest city in the world: "A city," said he, "that your London and our Paris put together cannot be equal to." But as I looked on those things with different eyes from other men, so I shall give my opinion of them in a few words, when I come in the course of my travels to speak more particularly of them. Dining with Father Simon one day, and being very merry together, I showed some little inclination to go with him; and he pressed me and my partner very hard to consent. "Why, father," says my partner, "should you desire our company so much? you know we are heretics, and you do not love us, nor cannot keep us company with any pleasure."--"Oh," says he, "you may perhaps be good Catholics in time; my business here is to convert heathens, and who knows but I may convert you too?"--"Very well, father," said I, "so you will preach to us all the way?"--"I will not be troublesome to you," says he; "our religion does not divest us of good manners; besides, we are here like countrymen; and so we are, compared to the place we are in; and if you are Huguenots, and I a Catholic, we may all be Christians at last; at least, we are all gentlemen, and we may converse so, without being uneasy to one another." I liked this part of his discourse very well, and it began to put me in mind of my priest that I had left in the Brazils; but Father Simon did not come up to his character by a great deal; for though this friar had no appearance of a criminal levity in him, yet he had not that fund of Christian zeal, strict piety, and sincere affection to religion that my other good ecclesiastic had. But to leave him a little, though he never left us, nor solicited us to go with him; we had something else before us at first, for we had all this while our ship and our merchandise to dispose of, and we began to be very doubtful what we should do, for we were now in a place of very little business. Once I was about to venture to sail for the river of Kilam, and the city of Nankin; but Providence seemed now more visibly, as I thought, than ever to concern itself in our affairs; and I was encouraged, from this very time, to think I should, one way or other, get out of this entangled circumstance, and be brought home to my own country again, though I had not the least view of the manner. Providence, I say, began here to clear up our way a little; and the first thing that offered was, that our old Portuguese pilot brought a Japan merchant to us, who inquired what goods we had: and, in the first place, he bought all our opium, and gave us a very good price for it, paying us in gold by weight, some in small pieces of their own coin, and some in small wedges, of about ten or twelves ounces each. While we were dealing with him for our opium, it came into my head that he might perhaps deal for the ship too, and I ordered the interpreter to propose it to him. He shrunk up his shoulders at it when it was first proposed to him; but in a few days after he came to me, with one of the missionary priests for his interpreter, and told me he had a proposal to make to me, which was this: he had bought a great quantity of our goods, when he had no thoughts of proposals made to him of buying the ship; and that, therefore, he had not money to pay for the ship: but if I would let the same men who were in the ship navigate her, he would hire the ship to go to Japan; and would send them from thence to the Philippine Islands with another loading, which he would pay the freight of before they went from Japan: and that at their return he would buy the ship. I began to listen to his proposal, and so eager did my head still run upon rambling, that I could not but begin to entertain a notion of going myself with him, and so to set sail from the Philippine Islands away to the South Seas; accordingly, I asked the Japanese merchant if he would not hire us to the Philippine Islands and discharge us there. He said No, he could not do that, for then he could not have the return of his cargo; but he would discharge us in Japan, at the ship's return. Well, still I was for taking him at that proposal, and going myself; but my partner, wiser than myself, persuaded me from it, representing the dangers, as well of the seas as of the Japanese, who are a false, cruel, and treacherous people; likewise those of the Spaniards at the Philippines, more false, cruel, and treacherous than they. But to bring this long turn of our affairs to a conclusion; the first thing we had to do was to consult with the captain of the ship, and with his men, and know if they were willing to go to Japan. While I was doing this, the young man whom my nephew had left with me as my companion came up, and told me that he thought that voyage promised very fair, and that there was a great prospect of advantage, and he would be very glad if I undertook it; but that if I would not, and would give him leave, he would go as a merchant, or as I pleased to order him; that if ever he came to England, and I was there and alive, he would render me a faithful account of his success, which should be as much mine as I pleased. I was loath to part with him; but considering the prospect of advantage, which really was considerable, and that he was a young fellow likely to do well in it, I inclined to let him go; but I told him I would consult my partner, and give him an answer the next day. I discoursed about it with my partner, who thereupon made a most generous offer: "You know it has been an unlucky ship," said he, "and we both resolve not to go to sea in it again; if your steward" (so he called my man) "will venture the voyage, I will leave my share of the vessel to him, and let him make the best of it; and if we live to meet in England, and he meets with success abroad, he shall account for one half of the profits of the ship's freight to us; the other shall be his own." If my partner, who was no way concerned with my young man, made him such an offer, I could not do less than offer him the same; and all the ship's company being willing to go with him, we made over half the ship to him in property, and took a writing from him, obliging him to account for the other, and away he went to Japan. The Japan merchant proved a very punctual, honest man to him: protected him at Japan, and got him a licence to come on shore, which the Europeans in general have not lately obtained. He paid him his freight very punctually; sent him to the Philippines loaded with Japan and China wares, and a supercargo of their own, who, trafficking with the Spaniards, brought back European goods again, and a great quantity of spices; and there he was not only paid his freight very well, and at a very good price, but not being willing to sell the ship, then the merchant furnished him goods on his own account; and with some money, and some spices of his own which he brought with him, he went back to the Manillas, where he sold his cargo very well. Here, having made a good acquaintance at Manilla, he got his ship made a free ship, and the governor of Manilla hired him to go to Acapulco, on the coast of America, and gave him a licence to land there, and to travel to Mexico, and to pass in any Spanish ship to Europe with all his men. He made the voyage to Acapulco very happily, and there he sold his ship: and having there also obtained allowance to travel by land to Porto Bello, he found means to get to Jamaica, with all his treasure, and about eight years after came to England exceeding rich. But to return to our particular affairs, being now to part with the ship and ship's company, it came before us, of course, to consider what recompense we should give to the two men that gave us such timely notice of the design against us in the river Cambodia. The truth was, they had done us a very considerable service, and deserved well at our hands; though, by the way, they were a couple of rogues, too; for, as they believed the story of our being pirates, and that we had really run away with the ship, they came down to us, not only to betray the design that was formed against us, but to go to sea with us as pirates. One of them confessed afterwards that nothing else but the hopes of going a-roguing brought him to do it: however, the service they did us was not the less, and therefore, as I had promised to be grateful to them, I first ordered the money to be paid them which they said was due to them on board their respective ships: over and above that, I gave each of them a small sum of money in gold, which contented them very well. I then made the Englishman gunner in the ship, the gunner being now made second mate and purser; the Dutchman I made boatswain; so they were both very well pleased, and proved very serviceable, being both able seamen, and very stout fellows. We were now on shore in China; if I thought myself banished, and remote from my own country at Bengal, where I had many ways to get home for my money, what could I think of myself now, when I was about a thousand leagues farther off from home, and destitute of all manner of prospect of return? All we had for it was this: that in about four months' time there was to be another fair at the place where we were, and then we might be able to purchase various manufactures of the country, and withal might possibly find some Chinese junks from Tonquin for sail, that would carry us and our goods whither we pleased. This I liked very well, and resolved to wait; besides, as our particular persons were not obnoxious, so if any English or Dutch ships came thither, perhaps we might have an opportunity to load our goods, and get passage to some other place in India nearer home. Upon these hopes we resolved to continue here; but, to divert ourselves, we took two or three journeys into the country. First, we went ten days' journey to Nankin, a city well worth seeing; they say it has a million of people in it: it is regularly built, and the streets are all straight, and cross one another in direct lines. But when I come to compare the miserable people of these countries with ours, their fabrics, their manner of living, their government, their religion, their wealth, and their glory, as some call it, I must confess that I scarcely think it worth my while to mention them here. We wonder at the grandeur, the riches, the pomp, the ceremonies, the government, the manufactures, the commerce, and conduct of these people; not that there is really any matter for wonder, but because, having a true notion of the barbarity of those countries, the rudeness and the ignorance that prevail there, we do not expect to find any such thing so far off. Otherwise, what are their buildings to the palaces and royal buildings of Europe? What their trade to the universal commerce of England, Holland, France, and Spain? What are their cities to ours, for wealth, strength, gaiety of apparel, rich furniture, and infinite variety? What are their ports, supplied with a few junks and barks, to our navigation, our merchant fleets, our large and powerful navies? Our city of London has more trade than half their mighty empire: one English, Dutch, or French man-of-war of eighty guns would be able to fight almost all the shipping belonging to China: but the greatness of their wealth, their trade, the power of their government, and the strength of their armies, may be a little surprising to us, because, as I have said, considering them as a barbarous nation of pagans, little better than savages, we did not expect such things among them. But all the forces of their empire, though they were to bring two millions of men into the field together, would be able to do nothing but ruin the country and starve themselves; a million of their foot could not stand before one embattled body of our infantry, posted so as not to be surrounded, though they were not to be one to twenty in number; nay, I do not boast if I say that thirty thousand German or English foot, and ten thousand horse, well managed, could defeat all the forces of China. Nor is there a fortified town in China that could hold out one month against the batteries and attacks of an European army. They have firearms, it is true, but they are awkward and uncertain in their going off; and their powder has but little strength. Their armies are badly disciplined, and want skill to attack, or temper to retreat; and therefore, I must confess, it seemed strange to me, when I came home, and heard our people say such fine things of the power, glory, magnificence, and trade of the Chinese; because, as far as I saw, they appeared to be a contemptible herd or crowd of ignorant, sordid slaves, subjected to a government qualified only to rule such a people; and were not its distance inconceivably, great from Muscovy, and that empire in a manner as rude, impotent, and ill governed as they, the Czar of Muscovy might with ease drive them all out of their country, and conquer them in one campaign; and had the Czar (who is now a growing prince) fallen this way, instead of attacking the warlike Swedes, and equally improved himself in the art of war, as they say he has done; and if none of the powers of Europe had envied or interrupted him, he might by this time have been Emperor of China, instead of being beaten by the King of Sweden at Narva, when the latter was not one to six in number. As their strength and their grandeur, so their navigation, commerce, and husbandry are very imperfect, compared to the same things in Europe; also, in their knowledge, their learning, and in their skill in the sciences, they are either very awkward or defective, though they have globes or spheres, and a smattering of the mathematics, and think they know more than all the world besides. But they know little of the motions of the heavenly bodies; and so grossly and absurdly ignorant are their common people, that when the sun is eclipsed, they think a great dragon has assaulted it, and is going to run away with it; and they fall a clattering with all the drums and kettles in the country, to fright the monster away, just as we do to hive a swarm of bees! As this is the only excursion of the kind which I have made in all the accounts I have given of my travels, so I shall make no more such. It is none of my business, nor any part of my design; but to give an account of my own adventures through a life of inimitable wanderings, and a long variety of changes, which, perhaps, few that come after me will have heard the like of: I shall, therefore, say very little of all the mighty places, desert countries, and numerous people I have yet to pass through, more than relates to my own story, and which my concern among them will make necessary. I was now, as near as I can compute, in the heart of China, about thirty degrees north of the line, for we were returned from Nankin. I had indeed a mind to see the city of Pekin, which I had heard so much of, and Father Simon importuned me daily to do it. At length his time of going away being set, and the other missionary who was to go with him being arrived from Macao, it was necessary that we should resolve either to go or not; so I referred it to my partner, and left it wholly to his choice, who at length resolved it in the affirmative, and we prepared for our journey. We set out with very good advantage as to finding the way; for we got leave to travel in the retinue of one of their mandarins, a kind of viceroy or principal magistrate in the province where they reside, and who take great state upon them, travelling with great attendance, and great homage from the people, who are sometimes greatly impoverished by them, being obliged to furnish provisions for them and all their attendants in their journeys. I particularly observed in our travelling with his baggage, that though we received sufficient provisions both for ourselves and our horses from the country, as belonging to the mandarin, yet we were obliged to pay for everything we had, after the market price of the country, and the mandarin's steward collected it duly from us. Thus our travelling in the retinue of the mandarin, though it was a great act of kindness, was not such a mighty favour to us, but was a great advantage to him, considering there were above thirty other people travelled in the same manner besides us, under the protection of his retinue; for the country furnished all the provisions for nothing to him, and yet he took our money for them. We were twenty-five days travelling to Pekin, through a country exceeding populous, but I think badly cultivated; the husbandry, the economy, and the way of living miserable, though they boast so much of the industry of the people: I say miserable, if compared with our own, but not so to these poor wretches, who know no other. The pride of the poor people is infinitely great, and exceeded by nothing but their poverty, in some parts, which adds to that which I call their misery; and I must needs think the savages of America live much more happy than the poorer sort of these, because as they have nothing, so they desire nothing; whereas these are proud and insolent and in the main are in many parts mere beggars and drudges. Their ostentation is inexpressible; and, if they can, they love to keep multitudes of servants or slaves, which is to the last degree ridiculous, as well as their contempt of all the world but themselves. I must confess I travelled more pleasantly afterwards in the deserts and vast wildernesses of Grand Tartary than here, and yet the roads here are well paved and well kept, and very convenient for travellers; but nothing was more awkward to me than to see such a haughty, imperious, insolent people, in the midst of the grossest simplicity and ignorance; and my friend Father Simon and I used to be very merry upon these occasions, to see their beggarly pride. For example, coming by the house of a country gentleman, as Father Simon called him, about ten leagues off the city of Nankin, we had first of all the honour to ride with the master of the house about two miles; the state he rode in was a perfect Don Quixotism, being a mixture of pomp and poverty. His habit was very proper for a merry-andrew, being a dirty calico, with hanging sleeves, tassels, and cuts and slashes almost on every side: it covered a taffety vest, so greasy as to testify that his honour must be a most exquisite sloven. His horse was a poor, starved, hobbling creature, and two slaves followed him on foot to drive the poor creature along; he had a whip in his hand, and he belaboured the beast as fast about the head as his slaves did about the tail; and thus he rode by us, with about ten or twelve servants, going from the city to his country seat, about half a league before us. We travelled on gently, but this figure of a gentleman rode away before us; and as we stopped at a village about an hour to refresh us, when we came by the country seat of this great man, we saw him in a little place before his door, eating a repast. It was a kind of garden, but he was easy to be seen; and we were given to understand that the more we looked at him the better he would be pleased. He sat under a tree, something like the palmetto, which effectually shaded him over the head, and on the south side; but under the tree was placed a large umbrella, which made that part look well enough. He sat lolling back in a great elbow-chair, being a heavy corpulent man, and had his meat brought him by two women slaves. He had two more, one of whom fed the squire with a spoon, and the other held the dish with one hand, and scraped off what he let fall upon his worship's beard and taffety vest. Leaving the poor wretch to please himself with our looking at him, as if we admired his idle pomp, we pursued our journey. Father Simon had the curiosity to stay to inform himself what dainties the country justice had to feed on in all his state, which he had the honour to taste of, and which was, I think, a mess of boiled rice, with a great piece of garlic in it, and a little bag filled with green pepper, and another plant which they have there, something like our ginger, but smelling like musk, and tasting like mustard; all this was put together, and a small piece of lean mutton boiled in it, and this was his worship's repast. Four or five servants more attended at a distance, who we supposed were to eat of the same after their master. As for our mandarin with whom we travelled, he was respected as a king, surrounded always with his gentlemen, and attended in all his appearances with such pomp, that I saw little of him but at a distance. I observed that there was not a horse in his retinue but that our carrier's packhorses in England seemed to me to look much better; though it was hard to judge rightly, for they were so covered with equipage, mantles, trappings, &c., that we could scarce see anything but their feet and their heads as they went along. I was now light-hearted, and all my late trouble and perplexity being over, I had no anxious thoughts about me, which made this journey the pleasanter to me; in which no ill accident attended me, only in passing or fording a small river, my horse fell and made me free of the country, as they call it--that is to say, threw me in. The place was not deep, but it wetted me all over. I mention it because it spoiled my pocket-book, wherein I had set down the names of several people and places which I had occasion to remember, and which not taking due care of, the leaves rotted, and the words were never after to be read. At length we arrived at Pekin. I had nobody with me but the youth whom my nephew had given me to attend me as a servant and who proved very trusty and diligent; and my partner had nobody with him but one servant, who was a kinsman. As for the Portuguese pilot, he being desirous to see the court, we bore his charges for his company, and for our use of him as an interpreter, for he understood the language of the country, and spoke good French and a little English. Indeed, this old man was most useful to us everywhere; for we had not been above a week at Pekin, when he came laughing. "Ah, Seignior Inglese," says he, "I have something to tell will make your heart glad."--"My heart glad," says I; "what can that be? I don't know anything in this country can either give me joy or grief to any great degree."--"Yes, yes," said the old man, in broken English, "make you glad, me sorry."--"Why," said I, "will it make you sorry?"--"Because," said he, "you have brought me here twenty-five days' journey, and will leave me to go back alone; and which way shall I get to my port afterwards, without a ship, without a horse, without pecune?" so he called money, being his broken Latin, of which he had abundance to make us merry with. In short, he told us there was a great caravan of Muscovite and Polish merchants in the city, preparing to set out on their journey by land to Muscovy, within four or five weeks; and he was sure we would take the opportunity to go with them, and leave him behind, to go back alone. I confess I was greatly surprised with this good news, and had scarce power to speak to him for some time; but at last I said to him, "How do you know this? are you sure it is true?"--"Yes," says he; "I met this morning in the street an old acquaintance of mine, an Armenian, who is among them. He came last from Astrakhan, and was designed to go to Tonquin, where I formerly knew him, but has altered his mind, and is now resolved to go with the caravan to Moscow, and so down the river Volga to Astrakhan."--"Well, Seignior," says I, "do not be uneasy about being left to go back alone; if this be a method for my return to England, it shall be your fault if you go back to Macao at all." We then went to consult together what was to be done; and I asked my partner what he thought of the pilot's news, and whether it would suit with his affairs? He told me he would do just as I would; for he had settled all his affairs so well at Bengal, and left his effects in such good hands, that as we had made a good voyage, if he could invest it in China silks, wrought and raw, he would be content to go to England, and then make a voyage back to Bengal by the Company's ships. Having resolved upon this, we agreed that if our Portuguese pilot would go with us, we would bear his charges to Moscow, or to England, if he pleased; nor, indeed, were we to be esteemed over- generous in that either, if we had not rewarded him further, the service he had done us being really worth more than that; for he had not only been a pilot to us at sea, but he had been like a broker for us on shore; and his procuring for us a Japan merchant was some hundreds of pounds in our pockets. So, being willing to gratify him, which was but doing him justice, and very willing also to have him with us besides, for he was a most necessary man on all occasions, we agreed to give him a quantity of coined gold, which, as I computed it, was worth one hundred and seventy-five pounds sterling, between us, and to bear all his charges, both for himself and horse, except only a horse to carry his goods. Having settled this between ourselves, we called him to let him know what we had resolved. I told him he had complained of our being willing to let him go back alone, and I was now about to tell him we designed he should not go back at all. That as we had resolved to go to Europe with the caravan, we were very willing he should go with us; and that we called him to know his mind. He shook his head and said it was a long journey, and that he had no pecune to carry him thither, or to subsist himself when he came there. We told him we believed it was so, and therefore we had resolved to do something for him that should let him see how sensible we were of the service he had done us, and also how agreeable he was to us: and then I told him what we had resolved to give him here, which he might lay out as we would do our own; and that as for his charges, if he would go with us we would set him safe on shore (life and casualties excepted), either in Muscovy or England, as he would choose, at our own charge, except only the carriage of his goods. He received the proposal like a man transported, and told us he would go with us over all the whole world; and so we all prepared for our journey. However, as it was with us, so it was with the other merchants: they had many things to do, and instead of being ready in five weeks, it was four months and some days before all things were got together. |
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| 4 | 1719.2 |
Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner [ID D26791]. (2) Chapter XIV : Attacked by Tartars It was the beginning of February, new style, when we set out from Pekin. My partner and the old pilot had gone express back to the port where we had first put in, to dispose of some goods which we had left there; and I, with a Chinese merchant whom I had some knowledge of at Nankin, and who came to Pekin on his own affairs, went to Nankin, where I bought ninety pieces of fine damasks, with about two hundred pieces of other very fine silk of several sorts, some mixed with gold, and had all these brought to Pekin against my partner's return. Besides this, we bought a large quantity of raw silk, and some other goods, our cargo amounting, in these goods only, to about three thousand five hundred pounds sterling; which, together with tea and some fine calicoes, and three camels' loads of nutmegs and cloves, loaded in all eighteen camels for our share, besides those we rode upon; these, with two or three spare horses, and two horses loaded with provisions, made together twenty-six camels and horses in our retinue. The company was very great, and, as near as I can remember, made between three and four hundred horses, and upwards of one hundred and twenty men, very well armed and provided for all events; for as the Eastern caravans are subject to be attacked by the Arabs, so are these by the Tartars. The company consisted of people of several nations, but there were above sixty of them merchants or inhabitants of Moscow, though of them some were Livonians; and to our particular satisfaction, five of them were Scots, who appeared also to be men of great experience in business, and of very good substance. When we had travelled one day's journey, the guides, who were five in number, called all the passengers, except the servants, to a great council, as they called it. At this council every one deposited a certain quantity of money to a common stock, for the necessary expense of buying forage on the way, where it was not otherwise to be had, and for satisfying the guides, getting horses, and the like. Here, too, they constituted the journey, as they call it, viz. they named captains and officers to draw us all up, and give the word of command, in case of an attack, and give every one their turn of command; nor was this forming us into order any more than what we afterwards found needful on the way. The road all on this side of the country is very populous, and is full of potters and earth-makers--that is to say, people, that temper the earth for the China ware. As I was coming along, our Portuguese pilot, who had always something or other to say to make us merry, told me he would show me the greatest rarity in all the country, and that I should have this to say of China, after all the ill-humoured things that I had said of it, that I had seen one thing which was not to be seen in all the world beside. I was very importunate to know what it was; at last he told me it was a gentleman's house built with China ware. "Well," says I, "are not the materials of their buildings the products of their own country, and so it is all China ware, is it not?"--"No, no," says he, "I mean it is a house all made of China ware, such as you call it in England, or as it is called in our country, porcelain."--"Well," says I, "such a thing may be; how big is it? Can we carry it in a box upon a camel? If we can we will buy it."--"Upon a camel!" says the old pilot, holding up both his hands; "why, there is a family of thirty people lives in it." I was then curious, indeed, to see it; and when I came to it, it was nothing but this: it was a timber house, or a house built, as we call it in England, with lath and plaster, but all this plastering was really China ware--that is to say, it was plastered with the earth that makes China ware. The outside, which the sun shone hot upon, was glazed, and looked very well, perfectly white, and painted with blue figures, as the large China ware in England is painted, and hard as if it had been burnt. As to the inside, all the walls, instead of wainscot, were lined with hardened and painted tiles, like the little square tiles we call galley-tiles in England, all made of the finest china, and the figures exceeding fine indeed, with extraordinary variety of colours, mixed with gold, many tiles making but one figure, but joined so artificially, the mortar being made of the same earth, that it was very hard to see where the tiles met. The floors of the rooms were of the same composition, and as hard as the earthen floors we have in use in several parts of England; as hard as stone, and smooth, but not burnt and painted, except some smaller rooms, like closets, which were all, as it were, paved with the same tile; the ceiling and all the plastering work in the whole house were of the same earth; and, after all, the roof was covered with tiles of the same, but of a deep shining black. This was a China warehouse indeed, truly and literally to be called so, and had I not been upon the journey, I could have stayed some days to see and examine the particulars of it. They told me there were fountains and fishponds in the garden, all paved on the bottom and sides with the same; and fine statues set up in rows on the walks, entirely formed of the porcelain earth, burnt whole. As this is one of the singularities of China, so they may be allowed to excel in it; but I am very sure they excel in their accounts of it; for they told me such incredible things of their performance in crockery-ware, for such it is, that I care not to relate, as knowing it could not be true. They told me, in particular, of one workman that made a ship with all its tackle and masts and sails in earthenware, big enough to carry fifty men. If they had told me he launched it, and made a voyage to Japan in it, I might have said something to it indeed; but as it was, I knew the whole of the story, which was, in short, that the fellow lied: so I smiled, and said nothing to it. This odd sight kept me two hours behind the caravan, for which the leader of it for the day fined me about the value of three shillings; and told me if it had been three days' journey without the wall, as it was three days' within, he must have fined me four times as much, and made me ask pardon the next council-day. I promised to be more orderly; and, indeed, I found afterwards the orders made for keeping all together were absolutely necessary for our common safety. In two days more we passed the great China wall, made for a fortification against the Tartars: and a very great work it is, going over hills and mountains in an endless track, where the rocks are impassable, and the precipices such as no enemy could possibly enter, or indeed climb up, or where, if they did, no wall could hinder them. They tell us its length is near a thousand English miles, but that the country is five hundred in a straight measured line, which the wall bounds without measuring the windings and turnings it takes; it is about four fathoms high, and as many thick in some places. I stood still an hour or thereabouts without trespassing on our orders (for so long the caravan was in passing the gate), to look at it on every side, near and far off; I mean what was within my view: and the guide, who had been extolling it for the wonder of the world, was mighty eager to hear my opinion of it. I told him it was a most excellent thing to keep out the Tartars; which he happened not to understand as I meant it and so took it for a compliment; but the old pilot laughed! "Oh, Seignior Inglese," says he, "you speak in colours."--"In colours!" said I; "what do you mean by that?"--"Why, you speak what looks white this way and black that way--gay one way and dull another. You tell him it is a good wall to keep out Tartars; you tell me by that it is good for nothing but to keep out Tartars. I understand you, Seignior Inglese, I understand you; but Seignior Chinese understood you his own way."--"Well," says I, "do you think it would stand out an army of our country people, with a good train of artillery; or our engineers, with two companies of miners? Would not they batter it down in ten days, that an army might enter in battalia; or blow it up in the air, foundation and all, that there should be no sign of it left?"--"Ay, ay," says he, "I know that." The Chinese wanted mightily to know what I said to the pilot, and I gave him leave to tell him a few days after, for we were then almost out of their country, and he was to leave us a little time after this; but when he knew what I said, he was dumb all the rest of the way, and we heard no more of his fine story of the Chinese power and greatness while he stayed. After we passed this mighty nothing, called a wall, something like the Picts' walls so famous in Northumberland, built by the Romans, we began to find the country thinly inhabited, and the people rather confined to live in fortified towns, as being subject to the inroads and depredations of the Tartars, who rob in great armies, and therefore are not to be resisted by the naked inhabitants of an open country. And here I began to find the necessity of keeping together in a caravan as we travelled, for we saw several troops of Tartars roving about; but when I came to see them distinctly, I wondered more that the Chinese empire could be conquered by such contemptible fellows; for they are a mere horde of wild fellows, keeping no order and understanding no discipline or manner of it. Their horses are poor lean creatures, taught nothing, and fit for nothing; and this we found the first day we saw them, which was after we entered the wilder part of the country. Our leader for the day gave leave for about sixteen of us to go a hunting as they call it; and what was this but a hunting of sheep!--however, it may be called hunting too, for these creatures are the wildest and swiftest of foot that ever I saw of their kind! only they will not run a great way, and you are sure of sport when you begin the chase, for they appear generally thirty or forty in a flock, and, like true sheep, always keep together when they fly. In pursuit of this odd sort of game it was our hap to meet with about forty Tartars: whether they were hunting mutton, as we were, or whether they looked for another kind of prey, we know not; but as soon as they saw us, one of them blew a hideous blast on a kind of horn. This was to call their friends about them, and in less than ten minutes a troop of forty or fifty more appeared, at about a mile distance; but our work was over first, as it happened. One of the Scots merchants of Moscow happened to be amongst us; and as soon as he heard the horn, he told us that we had nothing to do but to charge them without loss of time; and drawing us up in a line, he asked if we were resolved. We told him we were ready to follow him; so he rode directly towards them. They stood gazing at us like a mere crowd, drawn up in no sort of order at all; but as soon as they saw us advance, they let fly their arrows, which missed us, very happily. Not that they mistook their aim, but their distance; for their arrows all fell a little short of us, but with so true an aim, that had we been about twenty yards nearer we must have had several men wounded, if not killed. Immediately we halted, and though it was at a great distance, we fired, and sent them leaden bullets for wooden arrows, following our shot full gallop, to fall in among them sword in hand--for so our bold Scot that led us directed. He was, indeed, but a merchant, but he behaved with such vigour and bravery on this occasion, and yet with such cool courage too, that I never saw any man in action fitter for command. As soon as we came up to them we fired our pistols in their faces and then drew; but they fled in the greatest confusion imaginable. The only stand any of them made was on our right, where three of them stood, and, by signs, called the rest to come back to them, having a kind of scimitar in their hands, and their bows hanging to their backs. Our brave commander, without asking anybody to follow him, gallops up close to them, and with his fusee knocks one of them off his horse, killed the second with his pistol, and the third ran away. Thus ended our fight; but we had this misfortune attending it, that all our mutton we had in chase got away. We had not a man killed or hurt; as for the Tartars, there were about five of them killed--how many were wounded we knew not; but this we knew, that the other party were so frightened with the noise of our guns that they fled, and never made any attempt upon us. We were all this while in the Chinese dominions, and therefore the Tartars were not so bold as afterwards; but in about five days we entered a vast wild desert, which held us three days' and nights' march; and we were obliged to carry our water with us in great leathern bottles, and to encamp all night, just as I have heard they do in the desert of Arabia. I asked our guides whose dominion this was in, and they told me this was a kind of border that might be called no man's land, being a part of Great Karakathy, or Grand Tartary: that, however, it was all reckoned as belonging to China, but that there was no care taken here to preserve it from the inroads of thieves, and therefore it was reckoned the worst desert in the whole march, though we were to go over some much larger. In passing this frightful wilderness we saw, two or three times, little parties of the Tartars, but they seemed to be upon their own affairs, and to have no design upon us; and so, like the man who met the devil, if they had nothing to say to us, we had nothing to say to them: we let them go. Once, however, a party of them came so near as to stand and gaze at us. Whether it was to consider if they should attack us or not, we knew not; but when we had passed at some distance by them, we made a rear-guard of forty men, and stood ready for them, letting the caravan pass half a mile or thereabouts before us. After a while they marched off, but they saluted us with five arrows at their parting, which wounded a horse so that it disabled him, and we left him the next day, poor creature, in great need of a good farrier. We saw no more arrows or Tartars that time. We travelled near a month after this, the ways not being so good as at first, though still in the dominions of the Emperor of China, but lay for the most part in the villages, some of which were fortified, because of the incursions of the Tartars. When we were come to one of these towns (about two days and a half's journey before we came to the city of Naum), I wanted to buy a camel, of which there are plenty to be sold all the way upon that road, and horses also, such as they are, because, so many caravans coming that way, they are often wanted. The person that I spoke to to get me a camel would have gone and fetched one for me; but I, like a fool, must be officious, and go myself along with him; the place was about two miles out of the village, where it seems they kept the camels and horses feeding under a guard. I walked it on foot, with my old pilot and a Chinese, being very desirous of a little variety. When we came to the place it was a low, marshy ground, walled round with stones, piled up dry, without mortar or earth among them, like a park, with a little guard of Chinese soldiers at the door. Having bought a camel, and agreed for the price, I came away, and the Chinese that went with me led the camel, when on a sudden came up five Tartars on horseback. Two of them seized the fellow and took the camel from him, while the other three stepped up to me and my old pilot, seeing us, as it were, unarmed, for I had no weapon about me but my sword, which could but ill defend me against three horsemen. The first that came up stopped short upon my drawing my sword, for they are arrant cowards; but a second, coming upon my left, gave me a blow on the head, which I never felt till afterwards, and wondered, when I came to myself, what was the matter, and where I was, for he laid me flat on the ground; but my never-failing old pilot, the Portuguese, had a pistol in his pocket, which I knew nothing of, nor the Tartars either: if they had, I suppose they would not have attacked us, for cowards are always boldest when there is no danger. The old man seeing me down, with a bold heart stepped up to the fellow that had struck me, and laying hold of his arm with one hand, and pulling him down by main force a little towards him, with the other shot him into the head, and laid him dead upon the spot. He then immediately stepped up to him who had stopped us, as I said, and before he could come forward again, made a blow at him with a scimitar, which he always wore, but missing the man, struck his horse in the side of his head, cut one of the ears off by the root, and a great slice down by the side of his face. The poor beast, enraged with the wound, was no more to be governed by his rider, though the fellow sat well enough too, but away he flew, and carried him quite out of the pilot's reach; and at some distance, rising upon his hind legs, threw down the Tartar, and fell upon him. In this interval the poor Chinese came in who had lost the camel, but he had no weapon; however, seeing the Tartar down, and his horse fallen upon him, away he runs to him, and seizing upon an ugly weapon he had by his side, something like a pole-axe, he wrenched it from him, and made shift to knock his Tartarian brains out with it. But my old man had the third Tartar to deal with still; and seeing he did not fly, as he expected, nor come on to fight him, as he apprehended, but stood stock still, the old man stood still too, and fell to work with his tackle to charge his pistol again: but as soon as the Tartar saw the pistol away he scoured, and left my pilot, my champion I called him afterwards, a complete victory. By this time I was a little recovered. I thought, when I first began to wake, that I had been in a sweet sleep; but, as I said above, I wondered where I was, how I came upon the ground, and what was the matter. A few moments after, as sense returned, I felt pain, though I did not know where; so I clapped my hand to my head, and took it away bloody; then I felt my head ache: and in a moment memory returned, and everything was present to me again. I jumped upon my feet instantly, and got hold of my sword, but no enemies were in view: I found a Tartar lying dead, and his horse standing very quietly by him; and, looking further, I saw my deliverer, who had been to see what the Chinese had done, coming back with his hanger in his hand. The old man, seeing me on my feet, came running to me, and joyfully embraced me, being afraid before that I had been killed. Seeing me bloody, he would see how I was hurt; but it was not much, only what we call a broken head; neither did I afterwards find any great inconvenience from the blow, for it was well again in two or three days. We made no great gain, however, by this victory, for we lost a camel and gained a horse. I paid for the lost camel, and sent for another; but I did not go to fetch it myself: I had had enough of that. The city of Naum, which we were approaching, is a frontier of the Chinese empire, and is fortified in their fashion. We wanted, as I have said, above two days' journey of this city when messengers were sent express to every part of the road to tell all travellers and caravans to halt till they had a guard sent for them; for that an unusual body of Tartars, making ten thousand in all, had appeared in the way, about thirty miles beyond the city. This was very bad news to travellers: however, it was carefully done of the governor, and we were very glad to hear we should have a guard. Accordingly, two days after, we had two hundred soldiers sent us from a garrison of the Chinese on our left, and three hundred more from the city of Naum, and with these we advanced boldly. The three hundred soldiers from Naum marched in our front, the two hundred in our rear, and our men on each side of our camels, with our baggage and the whole caravan in the centre; in this order, and well prepared for battle, we thought ourselves a match for the whole ten thousand Mogul Tartars, if they had appeared; but the next day, when they did appear, it was quite another thing. Sekundärliteratur 1935 Ch'en Shou-yi : After having left Cylon and called at Tonquin, Crusoe and his partner proceede to China. As their ship is suspected of being manned by pirates, they decide to land at Quinchang, a minor port, where they finally dispose of their cargo. Thence they go on to Nankin overland. They stay in Nankin for some time, and set out for Peking in company with some jesuits. From Peking they depart for Europe by caravan toward Archangel. Although the description is very general and hazy, and the narrative dull and almost irrelevant to the main thread of the novel, the critical remarks and generalizations therein are sufficiently striking. 1940 Qian Zhongshu : In spite of Defoe's genius for realistic details, these chapters are rather shadowy. His knowledge of China is apparently inadequate for the purpose, and he has to spread it thin. He forestalls our criticism by the following remark : "I shall make no more descriptions of countries and people : it is none of my business or any part of my design ; but giving an account of my own adventures." But Robinson Crusoe had no adventures worthy of the name when he travelled through China with a Portuguese pilot as his guide. He recorded only his impressions and reflections on Chinese life. Defoe is evidently in reaction against the seventeenth-century view of China. His analysis of the cause of this earlier attitude is quite subtle : the excell of admiration that the seventeenth-century writers conceived of China arose partly from the pleasant surprise of finding China more vicilised than they had expected, and partly from the proneness to take the Chinese at their own estimate. If Defoe had also mentioned the enchantment lent to China by distance, his diagnosis would have been complete. Defoe's remarks almost set the tone of the eighteenth-century English criticism of China. Writers repeated what Defoe had said without perhaps being aware of the fact. These advers criticism in Robinson Crusoe also throw a sidelight upon Defoe's earlier romance The consodidator. 1990 Willy Richard Berger : Die Abenteuer von Robinson Crusoe führen über die indonesische Inselwelt nach Formosa, Nanking und Peking ; er bekommt die Grosse Mauer zu sehen und reist mit einer Karawane durch die Tartarei und Sibirien nach England zurück. Wo Defoes fast feindselige Haltung allem Chinesischen gegenüber herstammt, ist aus den Quellen, die er benutzte, kaum ersichtlich. Defoe hat sich bei Dampier bedient, aber Dampier war weder an der chinesischen Kultur interessiert noch ging sein Verständnis über das eines aufrechten christlichen Seemanns hinaus. Auch er kam nicht mit dem Konfuzianismus der gebildeten Schichten, sonder vor allem mit dem Buddhismus und Taoismus der einfachen Bevölkerung der Hafenstädte in Berührung ; da war dann allerdings eine Parteinahme entschieden negativ. Die Opfer, die chinesische Kauf- und Seeleute ihren Idolen brachten, erfüllten ich mit Abscheu, und ein Erlebnis mit einem ungebildeten Bauern, der ihn an einem zerfallenen Waldaltar vergeblich zur religiösen Huldigung zu bewegen suchte, bestärkte ihn in der Überzeugung, dass der chinesische Glaube aus nichts denn aus grotesker Idolatrie bestand. Als Hauptquelle für die China-Passagen ist Louis Le Comte. Das stimmt wohl, was die Informationen über die kulturellen, politischen, wirschaftlichen Verhältnisse Chinas angeht, trifft aber keineswegs zu in Hinsicht auf Defoes ideologische Abwertung Chinas. Für die Beschreibung der Heimreise durch das Moskowitische Reich benutzte Defoe den Bericht von Isbrand Ides. Das China des Robinson Crusoe ist ein Land des Aberglaubens und der Idolatrie, der Barbarei, Primitiviät und kindischen Unwissenheit, des Schmutzes, der erbärmlichsten Armut und eines geradezu lächerlich hinter dem europäischen Standard zurückgebliebenen Militärwesens. Robinson hat auch für die Grosse Mauer nichts als Verachtung übrig. Was als Weltwunder gilt, mag ja vortrefflich geeignet sein, andringende Tataren aufzuhalten, aber würde die Mauer, 'this mighty nothing call'd a wall', auch der europäischen Kriegskunst standhalten ? Nicht einmal die Tataren selbst, als kriegerisch, hinterlistig und grausam verschrien, können Robinson beeindrucken. Mehr aber noch als die materielle ruft die geistige Kultur Chinas Defoes Kritik auf den Plan. Dass sich bei all dem ein positives China-Bild in Europa hat entfalten können, liegt einzig darin begründet, dass die Europäer überrascht waren, in einer so entlegenen Weltgegend überhaupt Formen der Zivilisation und nicht nur 'a barbarous nation of pagans, little better than savages', anzutreffen. 2004 Han Jiaming : Defoe, who proudly saw England as the best society in the world, had a very negative view of China. In his novel, China is portrayed to be truly a savage, backward and uncivilized country where the enlightened Robinson finds nothing for him to learn from. Here is a typical passage describing Robinson's view of the Chinese people : "The pride of these people is infinitely great, and exceeded by nothing, but their poverty, which adds to that which I call their misery: and I must needs think that the naked savages of America live much more happy, because, as they have nothing, so they desire nothing ; whereas these are proud and insolent, and in the main, are meer beggars and drudges. Their ostentation is inexpressible, and is chiefly shewed in their clothes and buildings, and in keeping multitudes of servants or slaves, and, which is to the last degree ridiculous, their contempt of all the world but themselves." This portrayal of the backwardness of China in the early eighteenth century is rather striking, for historians generally agree that at that period China's productivity was more advanced than that of England. Keeping this in mind, the last clause seems to be self-ridiculing : we could also say that the passage shows Defoe or Crusoe's "contempt of all the world but themselves." Defoe's strongest contempt is shown in the following passage : "But when I come to compare the miserable people of these countries with ours, their fabricks, their manners of living, their government, their religion, their wealth, and their glory, (as some call it) I must confess, I do not so much as think it is worth naming, or worth my while to write of, or any that shall come after me to read." And Defoe or Crusoe writes further : "hey have firearms, 'tis true, but they are awkward, clumsy, and uncertain in going off : they have powder, but it is of no strength ; they have neither discipline in the field, exercise to their arms, skill to attack, or temper to retreat ; and therefore, I must confess, it seem'd strange to me, when I came home, and heard our people say such fine things of the power, riches, glory, magnificence, and trade of the Chinese ; because I saw, and knew that they were a contemptible herd or crowd of ignorant sordid slaves, subjected to a government qualified only to rule such a people". We must admit that Defoe's notion of the backwardness of Chinese weapons is correct, but the general tone of contempt and the overall charge against China are by no means justified. The late Professor Fan Cunzhong writes about Defoe's attack against China: "We may know what he says, but we don’t know why he says so." Indeed, we could only speculate about Defoe's reasons for attacking China, and the most obvious and probable reason seems to be his pride of his own country’s progress and civilization, a kind of pride he expresses in almost all his writings. To glorify England is his life-long mission, and attacking the idealized China or Chinese is a "ready and easy way." His concern with the reader may also be taken into account. While the Jesuit reports about China particularly appealed to the upper-class intellectuals, Defoe who held the common reader in view, can serve his purpose best by demonizing China. 2006 Chi Yuan-wen : Defoe and his peers adopted a new narrative strategy that leaned heavily on an innovative literary realism. The substantial changes in style and form wrought upon the English society in the eighteenth century raises the question of the dynamic relationship between form and content, which is intriguing but, as many previous scholars have found, not easy to fully dissect. In Robinson Crusoe, Defoe adopts a new narrative strategy different from that of the epic, romance, or knight-errantry to depict the quotidian experience of the rising middle class. Defoe's narrative strategy is to set up a first-person narrator between the reader and the external worls so as to authenticate what the persona is about to witness and experience in his adventures. Lin Shu's translation of Robinson Crusoe deserves critical attention as shown in his senisitivity for the writer's shifting of narrative style in the story per se. Whit his sensitivity for literary art and prose writing, Lin Shu is obviously keen enough to discern the fact that the novelist is stranded in the predicament of shifting between the first- und third-person narrators ; therefore, he coins and supplements a terminology to describe the style of Defoe's prose fiction as 'a parody of historiography'. Lin Shu translated the work with the intention to educate and enlighten his compatriots through the introduction of Western literature. What he counted on was not the form of the novel, but the didactic and moral content which would wake the people up. |
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| 5 | 1724-1727 |
Defoe, Daniel. A tour thro' the whole island of Great Britain [ID D26814]. Er schreibt : "The queen [Mary] brought in the custom or humour, as I may call it, of furnishing houses with china-ware, which increased to a strange degree afterwards, piling their china upon the tops of cabinets, scrutores, and every chymney-piece, to the tops of the ceilings, and even setting up shelves for their china-ware, where they wanted such places, till it became a grievance in the expence of it, and even injurious to their families and estates." |
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| 6 | 1905-1906 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji ; Lubinsun piao liu ji xu ji. Lin Shu yi. [ID D10426]. Lin Shu schreibt im Vorwort : "The English man Robinson, because he is not willing to accept the golden mean as a doctrine for his conduct, travels overseas alone by boat. As a result, he is wrecked in a storm, and was caught in a hopeless situation on a desert island. There he walks and sits alone, lives like a primitive man. He does not go back to his native country until twenty years later. From ancient times to the present, no book has recorded this incident. His father originally wished for him to behave according to the doctrine of the golden mean, but Robinson goes against his will, and in consequence, becomes an outstanding pioneers. Thereupon, adventurous people in the world, who are nearly devoured by sharks and crocodiles, are all inspired by Robinson." "As I read it, I saw all the more clearly how best to handle loneliness and deal with extremity. You handle loneliness with your will, extremity with your own effort. When you are first confronted with loneliness, you are overwhelmed by anxieties, worries, fears, and frustration, you know not where to turn for help. But it is not loneliness that leads your to such a state... When Crusoe is first stranded on the island, he too is troubled and tormented with worries, but when he is resigned to the fact that there is no help and he is entirely on his own, when he knows that worrying would not do him any good, he reins in his fear of death, and he seeks spiritual support in religion. Having attained a measure of peace, he could apply all his energies to survival. It is important to remember that a person will forget his worries if his mind is occupied. During the day, Crusoe focueses his mond on his work - growing crops, building shelters and the like ; at night, he focuses his mind on religion. Through such steadfast discipline, he finally attains equanimity, his thoughts are serene, his words generous and kind. Twenty-seven years later, Crusoe returns to England, disposes of his property and uses his wealth for the care of his relatives and friends ; as head of family, he acts generously and humanely. For having undergone the most trying of all human experiences, he knows how difficult it is for man to bear with difficult circumstances, and so in all his dealings, he keeps in mind the workins of human nature. In this, he truly abides by the Doctrine of the Mean." "Translating is unlike writing. The writer can write about what he has seen or heard, either in vague expressions or in detailed descriptions, that is to say, he can write about whatever subject and in whatever manner he likes. However, when it comes to translating, the translator is confined to relating what has already been written about, how is it, then, possible for him to adulterate the translation with his own views? When religious inculcations are found in the original text, he must translate them ; how can he purge his translation of that discourse just for tabboo's sake ? Hence, translation must be done exactly like what has been written in the original." Sekundärliteratur John Kwan-Terry : It is in the context of a Confucian ethos that Lin Shu discusses Crusoe's appeal to him in his 'Preface'. As Lin sees him, the Confucian hero whose life exemplifies the true principle of the golden mean is a person who is firm and steady of character and who does not tend to extremes of behavious ; he is not fickle in his emotions and beliefs and, far from deviating from the path of truth when under the severest pressure, will be ready to fight and die for it. On the other hand, the vulgar concept of the golden mean projects a man whose idea of not living an excessive life is to spend countless hours in comfort and safety with his wife ; though such a man has not committed any bad deeds, he is but middling and one among the very common. Crusoe, according to Lin, is not of this middling sort. His life shows a man of dynamism, of an independent, adventurous spirit, who is defiant of death, who faces the raging elements with courage, and overcomes the most adverse circumstances with ingenuity and resourcefulness. Such vitality of temperament supports the realization of the ideal mean which lies, not in a mere avoidance of extremes, but in an orderly fulfilment of responsible actions within society, within the family, within the time of human life. In this last observation, Lin has not overlocked the fact that there is little family or society to speak of in Robinson Crusoe, at leas in the sense of extended, overt reference. By its very nature, Lin's Confucian outlook on life has a 'this-worldly' orientation, in which ethical definitions are directed primarily towards the creation of social harmony. This means that Lin takes for granted Crusoe's social context, whether such a context has been elaborately fashioned or merely implied ; without such a context, Crusoe's extraordinary life becomes ultimately meaningless. Lin would have noticed that such a context has been established on the very first page of the novel, where Crusoe supplies details of his date of birth, the history of his name, his family's immigration into and subsequent naturalization in England – genealogical and sociological details that people in the traditional Chinese world, whether in real life or in literature, seldom overlook. A nameless Crusoe, however heroic, who lives and dies alone on an island, will be an image of little consequence to Lin. If Lin has emphasized Crusoe's existential image, it is because, having taken Crusoe's social context for granted, he finds that this image is highly attractive and meaningful fo Lin's world-picture. Thus he does not find it awkward, while discussing Crusoe's dynamic personality, to give as much space in his preface to discussing Crusoe's relationships with his father, his wife and friends even though they appear but briefly in the book. It is from the same Confucian standpoint that Lin interpreted Crusoe's religious experience, his family and social relationships and his mythic significance. In his preface, he makes it clear that although he has translated Crusoe's Christian cogitations and prayers faithfully, he does not accept them. The religious sense, however, that they occasionally, and Crusoe's attitude always, impart, he understands and associates with the Chinese consciousness of the tao. Lin's subsequent description of Crusoe's development shows, he can tolerate Crusoe's invcoations to God and Christ as occasions illuminating the emotional and psychological states that accompany the hero's efforts to make sense of his condtion. Crusoe began with a love of adventure, Lin explains. His first act, in disregarding his parents' advice and admonition, was an act of ignorance. But paradoxically, it was also an intuitive reaction of his 'tao' and, if not an act of wisdom in itself, it led to wisdom, to that process of self-discovery in which widom lies. Initially, however, it saved Crusoe from settling down to that kind of 'middling' life that his father had advocated and that exemplifies the 'vulgar concept of the golden mean'. Once on the island, away from men, Crusoe's religious consiciousness began to develop. At first, alone and confused, he suffered from severe psychological disorientation, as nay normal man would, and became successively passive and apathetic, and obsessed with fencing himself in to keep out predators, both real and imagined. Crusoe's isolation had been beneficial in another way. As he arrived at an understanding of his condition, he gave thanks that with all its hardships and miseries, it had not been worse, indeed that it probably was much better than what many people had to suffer. With this realization, self-pity gave way to a mind at peace and a heart in closer sympathy with other men. Thus, 'after reading Robinson', Lin maintains, "I understand how to fight loneliness and difficulties. Loneliness is fought through the heart, difficulties are fought through power". Lin adds : "Crusoe's treatment of his father shows that not all Westerners are unfilial, that he who knows how to fulfil filial obligations knows how to be loyal and care for his country. In this way, filial piety can be extended beyond family bonds to serve the purpose of national wealth and harmony. Since not all Westerners are unfilial, we cannot commend China and deprecate foreign countries. The reason Western learning has not spread all over China lies precisely in the mistaken notion held by a few conservatives that Westerners know no fathers." Lin regards Crusoe as a model of heroic endeavour for his readers. The political implications of an example what is Western in nature and conception are not lost on him. While enthusing over Crusoe as the embodiment of individual vitality, he is sufficiently convinced of its essentially predatory nature to feel apprhensive of what the type means in the historical context of his time. The arrival of Friday in the story is thus seen as a signal for the subjugation, however benevolent, of the inferior for the benefits of the superior. The translation of Robinson Crusoe, in Lin Shu's hands, becomes not so much a problem of literal accuracy as a work of interpretation and cultural transplantation. Lin has not hesitated to delete and abridge, to add a few words of his own to make the meaning clearer or supply his own metaphor to heighten the effect of the original, or to intersperse in the translated text his own annotations or critical comments in order to bring out a point or draw some conclusion. All the liberties that Lin took with Defoe's text served to record his appreciation or explication of the original work, its theme and art. In Lin Shu's Chinese eyes, Crusoe represents an image of human achievement that is both inspiring and threatening, an image, at the same time, that is seen to evolve within the contextual framework, not from book-learning or philosophical speculations but from experience, from the actual efforts at making a life worth living. |
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| 7 | 1905-1995 |
Daniel Defoe : Rezeption in China. Bibliography of Defoe studies in the Far East [ID D26786]. The Farther Adventures of Robinson Crusoe is the first extensive Western fiction about China ; Crusoe sees me Great Wall and travels across the country ; the Farther Adventures is the first of Defoe's novels in which characters cross. Out of the early twentieth-century events came the birth of the country's interest in Western literature. The first translation of Robinson Crusoe into Chinese appeared in 1905. Significantly, though, this translation reflects Chinese epistemologies as much as it does Western ones. This flirtation with, yet hesitancy to embrace, Western culture and its values seems indicative of China's twentieth century political history and its struggle to re-create itself as a nation independent of dynastic rule. The political climate of this ancient land has made a great impact on literature and art in the past half century. Defoe studies in China have gone through three historical periods since the foundation of the People's Republic of China in 1949. During the ten years between 1949 and 1959, the policy "letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought contend"—a policy set forth by chairman Mao Tse-tung for promoting the progress of literature, the arts, and the sciences—brought about for the first time a flourishing of foreign, especially English, literary studies. Many major authors—Shakespeare, Milton, Byron, Shelley, Dickens, Shaw, among others—and introductions to, comments on, and criticism of their works were published. This stream of translations included Defoe's The Wanderings of Robinson and Moll Flanders. The glamour of Robinson Crusoe not only made Defoe one of me English writers most familiar to Chinese readers, but also made Robinson a hero in me hearts of children who were greatly impressed by his adventurous and diligent spirit. The impact of Robinson's spirit upon youth was encouraged and advocated, for the diligence, perseverance, courage, and patience of his spirit have much in common with Confucian philosophy and embody the highest virtues in Chinese culture. During the 1960s "left-deviationist thinking" began to dominate ideological and political fronts in China. Accordingly, foreign literary works were divided into three categories: revolutionary ones represented mainly by Shelley and Byron ; classical bourgeois literary works represented mainly by Shakespeare, Dickens, and Ernest Hemingway ; and counter-revolutionary ones represented mainly by Pearl S. Buck and T.S. Eliot. Defoe's work fell into the second category. The left-deviationists required that works in this category be passed down and assimilated with discrimination. They were criticized and regarded as "savage beasts and fierce floods." The study of Defoe and foreign literature was at a low tide during the ten-year-long Great Cultural Revolution. Thousands of literary works were put into incinerators and authors into prison—bom spiritually and physically. During the "Cultural Revolution" (1966-1969), which Mao declared to squelch liberal factions, no scholarship on Defoe has been uncovered. The 1970s, which saw the admission of the People's Republic of China into the United Nations (1971), Mao's death (1976), and Deng Xiaoping's new economic reforms and trade policies (1977), are more productive. The rise of "the Gang of Four," however, put an end to this disastrous decade and marked the beginning of a new era. At the Fourth National Literature Representative Conference held in 1978, it was decided that the development of an understanding of foreign literature should be undertaken as a great task of the new era. Yang Zhou, the former Minister of Propaganda, pointed out at the conference that "we must broaden our horizon; we must borrow and inherit all of the excellent cultural products in the world in order to enrich our socialist culture and our cultural life." Never before had so many foreign literary works been translated, nor so many literary reviews, literary histories, and biographies been published. It is in this political and literary atmosphere that Defoe and his works have received fresh attention. The reappearance of The Wanderings of Robinson in the 1980s effectively marked a new beginning in Defoe studies in China. This novel has been retranslated, printed and published in several different editions. There are now adapted, simplified, illustrated, braille editions and editions with English and Chinese text on opposite pages. It has also been translated into several minority national languages. The edition translated by Xiacun Xu in 1959 has been reprinted three times. Additionally, many of Defoe's other works have been reissued. A phenomenon worth noticing is the publication of me Farther Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. Though The Wanderings of Robinson had been introduced to China as early as the beginning of this century, it was not until 1983 that its sequel first appeared in Chinese. The delay in introducing it may have had something to do with its looser structure and less succinct language. There were, however, more complicated social and political reasons. In me sequel, Crusoe no longer appeared simply as a brave, diligent, and progressive bourgeois but as a colonizer whose sense of superiority as a colonizer to a colonized people, as a Protestant to a heathen, exhibited his race discrimination as Defoe's world outlook. Moreover, Defoe appeared indifferent to me brave and hardworking Chinese people and to their great contributions to civilization. Worst of all, he mistook the bad bureaucratic habits of the decayed Qing government officials for the typical character of the Chinese nation and showed his contempt for this "poor" Eastern nation. Thus, the Farther Adventures was put into the category of counter-revolutionary foreign literary work forbidden in China. Reform and a more open policy, however, have introduced a greater tolerance. The publication of the Farther Adventures suggests that more of Defoe's works will appear and that their availability will encourage me development of Defoe studies in China. The revision of the Chinese constitution in 1993, which called for the development of a socialist market economy, has led to new cultural openness. What the impact of this change will be upon China's engagement with Western literature and Defoe is not yet known. |
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| 8 | 1960 |
Fan, Cunzhong. [On Defoe's Robinson Crusoe] (1960). [ID D26816]. Fan Cunzhong states emphatically one of the prominent Marxist points of view : "In the person of Robinson Crusoe we not only see the face of capitalism, but we also come to understand a specific period – the growth of British capitalism." He describes this new capitalist class as "prosperous, self-confident, aggressive", but not at all explitative and very different from today's "ceclining capitalis". Robinson Crusoe is not the starting point of historical development, but the product. Continues with assessments of Robinson as always the merchang and colonizer, especially in his travels through China, and of Defoe, "a pre-Adam Smith economist", because of beliefs in ouverseas trade and the necessisty to establish English volonies in Central America. He clarifies the important difference between Thomas More's and Francis Bacon's utopias as fairylands and Crusoe's island as "the product of the imagination of the colonialist". |
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Bibliography (75)
| # | Year | Bibliographical Data | Type / Abbreviation | Linked Data |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | 1705 |
Defoe, Daniel. The consolidator : or, memoirs of sundry transactions from the world in the moon. Tranlsated from the lunar language, by the author of The true-born English man. (London : Printed, and are to be sold by Banj. Bragg, 1705). [Satire]. http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/etext04/conso10h.htm. |
Publication / DefD29 |
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| 2 | 1719 |
Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). Defoe, Daniel. The farther Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. Chapter 12-14. http://www.digbib.org/Daniel_Defoe_1661/The_Further_Adventures_Of_Robinson_Crusoe. |
Publication / DefD5 |
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| 3 | 1724-1727 |
Defoe, Daniel. A tour thro' the whole island of Great Britain. (London : Printed and sold by G. Strahan [et al.], 1724-1727). Letter 2 : Containing a Description of the Sea-Coasts of Kent, Sussex, Hampshire, and of Part of Surrey. http://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/d/defoe/daniel/britain/letter2.html |
Publication / DefD28 |
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| 4 | 1898 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Shen Zufen yi. ([S.l., s.n.], 1898). Teil-Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD82 |
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| 5 | 1902 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Gu su li cheng. Ying Weilian yi. (Yangcheng [Guangzhou] : Zhen bao tang shu ju, 1902). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 辜蘇歷程 |
Publication / DefD10 | |
| 6 | 1905-1906 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji ; Lubinsun piao liu ji xu ji. Dafu yuan zhu ; Lin Shu, Zeng Zonggong yi shu. Vol. 1-4. (Shanghai : Shang wu yin shu guan, 1905-1906). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 / 魯濱孫飄流續記 |
Publication / Lin32 |
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| 7 | 1914 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Dafu ; Shang wu yin shu guan bian yi suo bian yi. Vol. 1-2. (Shanghai : Shang wu yin shu guan, 1914). (Shuo bu cong shu chu ji ; 34). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD24 |
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| 8 | 1930 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Xu Xiacun yi. (Xianggang : Shang wu yin shu guan, 1930). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 鲁滨孙飘流记 |
Publication / XuX6 | |
| 9 | 1930 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Chinese notes and translations by U.Y. Chang and P.S. Cheng ; edited by Richard S.C. Esi. (Shanghai : San Min Book Col, 1930). (Shi jie wen xue ming zhu xuan yi). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD26 | |
| 10 | 1931 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Mo'er Fulandesi. Difu ; Liang Yuchun yi. (Chongqing : Chongqing chu ban she, 1931. = (Beijing : Ren min wen xue chu ban she, 1958). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The fortunes and misfortunes of the famous Moll Flanders ; &c. Who was born in Newgate, and during a life of continu'd variety for threescore years, besides her childhood, was twelve year a whore, five times a wife (whereof once to her own brother) twelve year a thief, eight year a transported felon in Virginia, at last grew rich, liv'd honest, and died a penitent. (London : Printed for, and sold by W. Chetwood and T. Edling, 1722). (Library of English literature ; 12221). 摩尔•弗兰德斯 |
Publication / DefD7 | |
| 11 | 1931 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. (Buxiang : Chu ban zhe Buxiang, 1931). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD23 |
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| 12 | 1932 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Li Lei yi. (Shanghai : Zhong hua shu ju, 1932). (Xue sheng wen xue cong shu). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD53 | |
| 13 | 1935 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Yang Jinsen bian zhu. (Shanghai : Zhong hua shu ju, 1935). (Chu zhong xue sheng wen ku). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD70 | |
| 14 | 1946 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Difu yuan zhu ; Gu Junzheng, Tang Xiguang yi. (Buxiang : Kai ming, 1946). (Shi jie shao nian wen xue cong kan). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD38 | |
| 15 | 1946 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Wu Hesheng yi. (Shanghai : Chun min shu dian, 1946). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD68 | |
| 16 | 1947 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Gao Xisheng yi. (Shanghai : Shang wu yin shu guan, 1947). (Xin xiao xue wen ku ; 1). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD37 | |
| 17 | 1947 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Difu ; Wang Yuanfang yi. (Shanghai : Jian wen shu dian, 1947). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD66 | |
| 18 | 1949 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Difu ; Fan Quan yi. (Shanghai : Yong xiang yin shu guan, 1949). (Shao nian wen xue gu shi cong shu). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD34 | |
| 19 | 1951 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Zhang Baoxiang yi. (Xianggang : Xianggang qi ming shu ju, 1951). (Shi jie wen xue ming zhu). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD72 | |
| 20 | 1954 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Defu zhuan ; Hu Mingtian yi. (Taibei : Da zhong guo, 1954). (Shi jie wen xue ming zhu). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD41 | |
| 21 | 1956 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Difu yuan zhu ; Taiwan kai ming shu dian yi. (Taibei : Taiwan kai ming shu dian, 1956). (Kai ming shao nian wen xue cong kan). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD45 |
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| 22 | 1956 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Tang Xiguang yi. (Shanghai : Shao nian er tong chu ban she, 1956). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD64 | |
| 23 | 1957 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun pial liu ji. Defu zhuan ; Zhang Jinghou gai bian. (Xinzhu : Qi wen, 1957). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD74 | |
| 24 | 1959 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Difu zhu ; Fang Yuan yi ; Yang Yaomin xu. (Beijing : Ren min wen xue chu ban she, 1959). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD35 | |
| 25 | 1960 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Difu wen xuan. Dannier Difu zhu ; Xu Shigu yi. (Beijing : Shang wu yin shu guan, 1960). (Han yi shi jie xu shu ming zhu cong shu). [Übersetzung ausgewählter Werke von Defoe]. 笛福文选 |
Publication / DefD6 | |
| 26 | 1961 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Robinson Crusoe : the life and adventure of Robinson Crusoe. Ed., with notes in Chinese by Han Zhiyuan. (Hong Kong : Shang wu yin shu guan, 1961). = Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD40 | |
| 27 | 1962 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Defu zhuan ; bu zhu bian yi zhe. (Taibei : Wen you, 1962). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD20 |
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| 28 | 1966 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji : fu Hua wen shi yi. With Chinese notes ; Ma Shaoliang. (Taibei : Taiwan shang wu yin shu guan, 1966). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 : 附華文釋義 |
Publication / DefD57 |
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| 29 | 1968 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Chen Cai Lianchang xie ; You Mijian bian. (Taibei : Dong fang chu ban she, 1968). (Dong fang shao nian wen ku). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD27 | |
| 30 | 1970 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. (Hong Kong : Shi jie Publ. Co., 1970). [English and Chinese on opposite pages]. Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD12 |
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| 31 | 1972 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Defu yuan zhu ; Ji Dejun yi. (Tainan : Zong he chu ban she, 1972). (Shi jie wen xue ming zhu). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD48 | |
| 32 | 1978 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Difu zhu. (Taibei : Yuan jing chu ban shi ye gong si, 1978). (Shi jie wen xue quan ji ; R 19). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜漂流記 |
Publication / DefD14 |
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| 33 | 1979 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Difu zhuan ; Wei wen tu shu chu ban she yi. (Taibei : Wei wen, 1979). (Xi yang wen xue ming zhu). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD22 |
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| 34 | 1980 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun mao xian gu shi. Danni'er Difu yuan zhu ; Zhanmusi Baodewen [James Baldwin] gai xie ; Huang Guoda yi. (Nanjing : Jiangsu ren min chu ban she, 1980). Übersetzung von Baldwin, James. Robinson Crusoe : written anew for children ; with apologies to Daniel Defoe. (New York, N.Y. : American Book Co., 1905). = Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 鲁滨孙冒险故事 |
Publication / DefD44 | |
| 35 | 1980 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Adapted by Ping Yaying ; illustrated by Lulu. (Xianggang : Xin ya er tong jiao yu chu ban she, 1980). (Shi jie ming zhu jing xuan ; 4). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD61 | |
| 36 | 1982 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Cheng Shurong bian yi. (Xianggang : Ya yuan chu ban she, 1982). (Shi jie ming zhu fan yi). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD32 | |
| 37 | 1983 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao xu ji. Difu ; Ai Li, Qin Bin yi. (Lanzhou : Gansu ren min chu ban she, 1983). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 鲁滨孙飘流续记 |
Publication / DefD25 | |
| 38 | 1983 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Dan Difu zhu ; Kan Kan bian yi ; Lin Yaoyong hui tu. (Xianggang : Ming hua chu ban gong si, 1983). (Tu hua gu shi cong shu). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD52 | |
| 39 | 1984 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Luokeshanna. Difu zhu ; Tian Yi, Ding Jiu yi. (Guangzhou : Hua cheng chu ban she, 1984). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The fortunate mistress : or, A history of the life and vast variety of fortunes of Mademoiselle de Beleau, afterwards call'd the Countess de Wintselsheim, in Germany ; being the person know by the name of the Lady Roxana, in the time of Kind Charles II. (London : Printed for T. Warner, W. Meadows, W. Pepper, S. Harding, and T. Edlin, 1724). 罗克珊娜 |
Publication / DefD9 | |
| 40 | 1984 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Difu zhu ; Ji Xiafei yi. (Taibei : Zhi wen chu ban she, 1984). (Xin chao shi jie ming zhu ; 14). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD49 | |
| 41 | 1985 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Hai dao chuan zhang. Difu ; Zhang Peijun, Chen Mingjin. (Nanning : Lijiang chu ban she, 1985). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life, adventures, and pyracies, of the famous Captain Singleton : containing an account of his being set on shore in the island of Madagascar, his settlement there, with a description of the place and inhabitants: of his passage from thence, in a paraguay, to the main land of Africa, with an account of the customs and manners of the people: his great deliverances from the barbarous natives and wild beasts: of his meeting with an Englishman, a citizen of London, among the Indians, the great riches he acquired, and his voyage home to England: as also Captain Singleton's return to sea, with an account of his many adventures and pyracies, with the famous Captain Avery and others. (London : Printed for J. Brotherton, J. Graves, A. Dodd and T. Warner, 1720). 海盗船长 |
Publication / DefD77 | |
| 42 | 1987 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. (Taibei : Hua yuan chu ban you xian gong si, 1987). (Hao xue sheng you liang du wu ; 43. Shi jie ming zhu ji). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD46 |
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| 43 | 1987 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Yi Ming gai xie ; Zhang Xinci yi zhu. (Tainan : Da xia chu ban she, 1987). (Ying Han tui chao ; 29). [Chinese and English on opposite pages]. Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD71 | |
| 44 | 1988 |
[Defoe, Daniel ; Dickens, Charles]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Difu. Shuang cheng ji. Digengsi. Qi si shi jie min zhu bian ji zu. (Taibei : Qi si wen hua shi ye you xian gong si, 1988). (Da lu lian huan hua cong shu ; Shi jie wen xue min zhu). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). Übersetzung von Dickens, Charles. A tale of two cities. With illustrations by H.K. Browne. (London : Chapman and Hall, 1859). [Pt. 1-8. In : All the year round ; June-Dec. 1859]. 魯濱遜漂流記 /双城记 |
Publication / DefD11 | |
| 45 | 1988 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Difu zhu. (Taibei : Lu qiao, 1988). (Lu qiao er tong di san zuo tu shu guan. Shi jie wen xue ming zhu jing cui ; 25). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜漂流記 |
Publication / DefD19 |
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| 46 | 1988 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Hua Yong bian zhu. (Tainan : Da qian chu ban shi ye gong si, 1988). (Qi e tong hua du ben ; 33). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD43 | |
| 47 | 1988 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Ma Jingxian jian xiu ; Lin Zhonglong bian yi. (Taibei : Guang fu shu ju, 1988). (Xin bian shi jie er tong wen xue quan ji ; 8). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD56 | |
| 48 | 1991 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. (Kuala Lumpur : Malaiya wen hua shi ye, 1991). (Er tong gu shi cong shu ; 2,4). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD18 |
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| 49 | 1991 |
Shi jie wen xue ming zhu jing cui. Zhong ying dui zhao. Vol. 1-72. (Taibei : Lu qiao, 1991). (Lu qiao er tong di san zuo tu shu guan). [Enthält] : Homer; Alexandre Dumas; Helen Keller; Mark Twain; Robert Louis Stevenson; Anthony Hope; Charles Dickens; Thomas Hardy; Edgar Allan Poe; Johanna Spyri; Arthur Conan Doyle, Sir; Jack London; Lew Wallace; Charlotte Bronte; Jules Verne; Emily Bronte; Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra; Emma Orczy; Richard Henry Dana; William Shakespeare; Rudyard Kipling; Herman Melville; Sir Walter Scott, bart.; Victor Hugo; James Fenimore Cooper; Johann David Wyss; Jane Austen; Henry James; Jonathan Swift; Stephen Crane; Anna Sewell; Nathaniel Hawthorne; Bram Stoker; Daniel Defoe; H G Wells; William Bligh; Mary Wallstonecraft Shelley; Fyodor Dostoyevsky; O. Henry [William Sydney Porter]; Joseph Conrad. 世界文學名著精粹 |
Publication / Shijie |
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| 50 | 1992 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Danni'er Difu yuan zhu ; Lian guang tu shu gong si bian ji bu bian yi. (Taibei : Lian guang tu shu gu fen you xian gong si, 1992). (Shao nian shao nü shi jie wen xue ming zhu jing xuan ; 24). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜漂流記 |
Publication / DefD13 |
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| 51 | 1992 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Danni'er Difu yuan zhu ; Fulan Xiuniya [Fran Hunia] bian xie ; Luobote Aidun [Robert Ayton] hui tu ; Ren Rongrong fan yi. (Xianggang : Lang wen chu ban you xian gong si, 1992). (Ying Han bu bu gao zi xue cong shu). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. Robinson Crusoe. Adapted by Fran Hunia from Daniel Defoe's original story ; ill. by Robert Ayton. (Loughborough : Ladybird, 1978). (Read it yourself). = Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD42 | |
| 52 | 1992 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu. Difu ; Pan Liqun yi. (Nanjing : Jiangsu jiao yu chu ban she, 1992). (Ying yu shi jie ming zhu jian du cong shu). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD60 | |
| 53 | 1993 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. (Taibei : Shu hua chu ban shi ye you xian gong si, 1993). (Shi jie wen xue quan ji ; 71). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD21 |
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| 54 | 1994 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Difu ; Dai Weiyang dao du. (Taibei : Shu hua chu ban gong si, 1994). (Gui guan shi jie wen xue ming zhu ; 4). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD33 | |
| 55 | 1995 | [Defoe, Daniel]. Dang fu Falandesi zi zhuan. (Sichuan : Sichuan Culture and Arts Press, 1995). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The fortunes and misfortunes of the famous Moll Flanders ; &c. Who was born in Newgate, and during a life of continu'd variety for threescore years, besides her childhood, was twelve year a whore, five times a wife (whereof once to her own brother) twelve year a thief, eight year a transported felon in Virginia, at last grew rich, liv'd honest, and died a penitent. (London : Printed for, and sold by W. Chetwood and T. Edling, 1722). (Library of English literature ; 12221). | Publication / DefD8 |
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| 56 | 1995 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Difu yuan zhu ; Zhou Le cuo xie ; Ye Weiqing feng mian ; Huang Suizhong, Li Xiang cha hua. (Xianggang : Xin ya wen hua shi ye you xian gong si, 1995). (Shi jie ming zhu zhi lü cong shu). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD79 | |
| 57 | 1996 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Difu zhu ; Guo Jianzhong yi. (Nanjing : Yilin chu ban she, 1996). (Yilin shi jie wen xue ming zhu). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD39 | |
| 58 | 1996 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Diefu yuan zhu ; Jin Xing, Yu Lan gai bian ; Tang Shufang hui hua. (Hangzhou : Zhejiang shao nian er tong, 1996). (Shi jie wen xue ming zhu). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD51 | |
| 59 | 1996 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Dannier Difu yuan zhu ; Zhang Yaoxing gai xie. (Beijing : Beijing chu ban she, 1996). (Shi jie shao nian wen xue jing xuan). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD76 | |
| 60 | 1997 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Diane Mowat gai xie ; Ma Yuxiang, Pan Xiaoli yi. (Beijing : Wai yu jiao xue yu yan jiu chu ban she, 1997). (Shu chong, Niujin Ying Han dui zhao du wu). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprising adventures of Robinson Crusoe.Retold by Diane Mowat ; ill. by Jonathon Heap. (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1993). (Oxford bockworms ; stage 2). = Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD58 | |
| 61 | 1997 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Danni'er Difu yuan zhu ; Ren Rongrong zhu bian ; Geng Fu bian xie ; Li Guangyu hui hua. (Shanghai : Shanghai jiao yu chu ban she, 1997). (Shi jie zhu ming wen xue gu shi). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD63 | |
| 62 | 1997 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Gu dao ren shou. Wu Ren gai bian. (Xi'an : Wei lai, 1997). (Shi jie zhu ming li xian xiao shuo jing dian). 孤岛人守 [Enthält]. 1. Gu dao ren shou. [Original-Titel nicht bekannt]. 2. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 3. Hai dao de fu mie. 海盜覆滅記 [Original-Titel nicht bekannt]. 4. Bao dao li xian. 宝岛历险 [Original-Titel nicht bekannt]. |
Publication / DefD69 | |
| 63 | 1997 |
Zou chu Fei zhou. Yin Aiping, Xiao Jia, Wang Ping gai bian. (Xi'an : Wei lai, 1997). (Cha tu ben shi jie zhu ming li xian xiao shuo jing dian). 走出非洲 [Enthält] : l. [Dinesen, Isak = Blixen-Finecke, Karen]. Zou chu Fei Zhou. Übersetzung von Dinesen, Isak. Out of Africa. (New York, N.Y. : Modern Library, 1952). 走出非洲 2. [Defoe, Daniel]. Hai dao chuan zhang. Difu zhu. Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life, adventures, and pyracies, of the famous Captain Singleton : containing an account of his being set on shore in the island of Madagascar, his settlement there, with a description of the place and inhabitants: of his passage from thence, in a paraguay, to the main land of Africa, with an account of the customs and manners of the people: his great deliverances from the barbarous natives and wild beasts: of his meeting with an Englishman, a citizen of London, among the Indians, the great riches he acquired, and his voyage home to England: as also Captain Singleton's return to sea, with an account of his many adventures and pyracies, with the famous Captain Avery and others. (London : Printed for J. Brotherton, J. Graves, A. Dodd and T. Warner, 1720). 海盗船长 3. Nu hai bian zhou. [Original-Titel nicht bekannt]. 4. Gelifei li xian ji. [Original-Titel nicht bekannt]. |
Publication / DefD81 | |
| 64 | 1998 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun li xian ji. Difu ; Huang Gaoxin yi. (Shanghai : Shanghai yi wen chu ban she, 1998). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 鲁滨孙历险记 |
Publication / DefD47 | |
| 65 | 1998 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Difu ; [rewritten by David Oliphant]. (Taibei : Lu qiao wen hua shi ye you xian gong si, 1998). (Shi jie wen xue ming zhu jing cui ; 25). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD59 | |
| 66 | 1998 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Difu zhu ; Tang Yinsun yi. (Guangxi : Jie li chu ban she, 1998). (Shi jie xiao shuo ming zhu). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD65 | |
| 67 | 1998 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu ji. Difu ; Zhang Jing yi. (Guangzhou : Xin shi ji chu ban she, 1998). (Shi jie er tong jing dian xiao shuo gu shi zhen cang wen ku). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD73 | |
| 68 | 1999 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Difu ; Jiang Yue yi. (Beijing : Da zhong wen yi chu ban she, 1999). (Shi jie wen xue ming zhu bai bu). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD50 | |
| 69 | 1999 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinsun piao liu. Difu zhu ; Qiu Lisu yi. (Taibei : Xi dai shu ban gu fen you xian gong si, 1999). (Shi jie wen xue dian cang ban ; 6. Jing pin tian tang). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱孫飄流記 |
Publication / DefD62 | |
| 70 | 1999 |
[Defoe, Daniel. Lubinsun li xian ji. Difu ; Si Wang [D.K. Swan] ; Weisite [Michael West] ; Xiang Shixue. (Shanghai : Shanghai yi wen chu ban she, 1999). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). = Defoe, Daniel. Robinson Crusoe. Simplified and brougth within the 1200 word vocabulary of New method supplementary readers by Michael West ; revised by D.K. Swan. (London : Longman, 1976). 鲁滨孙飘流记 |
Publication / DefD67 | |
| 71 | 1999 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Defu zhu ; James Baldwin gai xie ; Zhang Xinci yi zhu. (Tainan : Da xia, 1999). Übersetzung von Baldwin, James. Robinson Crusoe : written anew for children ; with apologies to Daniel Defoe. (New York, N.Y. : American Book Co., 1905). = Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DeD75 | |
| 72 | 2000 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Difu ; Gao Cheng yi. (Beijing : Wai wen chu ban she, 2000). (Shi jie jing dian ming zhu jie lu cong shu). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD36 | |
| 73 | 2000 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Danni'er Dufu zhu ; Li Shuzhen bian yi. (Taibei : Jiu yi chu ban she, 2000). (Zhen cang wen ku ; 51). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD54 | |
| 74 | 2000 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Difu yuan zhu ; Zhao Dongying gai xie. (Hefei : Anhui shao nian er tong chu ban she, 2000). (Wai guo wen xue ming zhu shao nian du ben). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD78 | |
| 75 | 2000 |
[Defoe, Daniel]. Lubinxun piao liu ji. Difu yuan zhu ; Lin Zhanfeng gai xie. (Yanji : Yanbian da xue, 2000). (Shao nian bi du wen xue ming zhu ; 3). Übersetzung von Defoe, Daniel. The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner : who lived eight and twenty years alone in an un-habited island on the coas of American, near the mouth of the great river of Oroonoque, having been cast : on shore by shipwreck, eherein all the men perished but himself. The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe : being the second and last part of his life, and the strange surprizing accounts of his travels round three parts of the globe. Vol. 1-2. (London : W. Taylor, 1719). 魯濱遜飄流記 |
Publication / DefD55 |
Secondary Literature (12)
| # | Year | Bibliographical Data | Type / Abbreviation | Linked Data |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | 1935 | Ch'en, Shou-yi. Daniel Defoe : China's severe critic. In : Nankai social and economic quarterly ; vol. 8, no 3 (1935). | Publication / Ch'en5 |
|
| 2 | 1960 | Fan, Cunzhong. [On Defoe's Robinson Crusoe] (1960). In : Jianghai xue kan ; no 8 (July 1960). Repr. In : Fan, Cunzhong. Yingguo wen xue lun ji. (Beijing : Wai guo wen xue chu ban she, 1981). [Essays on English literature]. | Publication / DefD30 | |
| 3 | 1979 | Kwan-Terry, John. Robinson Crusoe through Chinese eyes. In : AUMLA : journal of the Australasian Universities Language and Literature Association ; vol. 51 (1979). [Betr. Lin Shu]. | Publication / DefD16 | |
| 4 | 1992 |
[Watt, Ian P.]. Xiao shuo de xing qi : Difu, Lichaxun, Fei'erding yan jiu. Yi'en P. Wate zhu ; Gao Yuan, Dong Hongjun yi. (Beijing : Sheng huo du shu xin zhi san lian shu dian, 1992). (Xian dai xi fang xue shu wen ku). Übersetzung von Watt, Ian P. The rise of the novel : Studies in Defoe, Richardson and Fielding. (Berkeley, Calif. : University of California Press, 1957). 小说的兴起 : 笛福理查逊菲尔丁研究 |
Publication / Fiel24 | |
| 5 | 1994 |
[Watt, Ian P.]. Xiao shuo de xing qi. Ai'en Wate zhu ; Lu Yanping yi. (Taibei : Gui guan tu shu gu fen you xian gong si, 1994). (Dang dais i chao xi lie cong shu ; 64). Übersetzung von Watt, Ian P. The rise of the novel : Studies in Defoe, Richardson and Fielding. (Berkeley, Calif. : University of California Press, 1957). 小說的興起 |
Publication / RichS1 | |
| 6 | 1995 |
Bibliography of Defoe studies in the Far East : China and Taiwan, Japan, and Korea. Spiro Peterson, Cho Sungkyu, Hope Cotton, Minoru Oda, Huang Xian-fang, and Sung-Kyoon Kim. In : Eighteenth-century fiction ; vol. 8, issue 1 (1995). [Enthält keine Zeichen und kein Pinyin, deshalb wurden nicht alle Artikel der Sekundärliteratur aufgenommen]. http://digitalcommons.mcmaster.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1129&context =ecf&sei-redir=1#search=%22defoe%20china%20bibliography%22. |
Publication / DefD1 |
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| 7 | 1998 |
The vision of China in the English literature of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Ed. by Adrian Hsia. (Hong Kong : Chinese University press, 1998). [Enthält] : Qian, Zhongshu. China in the English literature of the seventeenth century. In : Quarterly bulletin of Chinese bibliography ; vol. 1 (1940). Fan, Cunzhong. The beginnings of the influence of Chinese culture in England. In : Wai guo yu ; no 6 (1982). Chen, Shouyi. John Webb : a forgotten page in the early history of sinology in Europe. In : The Chinese social and political review ; vol. 19 (1935-1936). Qian, Zhongshu. China in the English literature of the eighteenth century. In : Quarterly bulletin of Chinese bibliography ; vol. 2 (1941). Chen, Shouyi. Daniel Defoe, China's severe critic. In : Nankai social and economic quarterly ; vol. 8 (1935). Fan, Cunzhong. Chinese fables and anti-Walpole journalism. In : The review of English studies ; vol. 25 (1949). Fan, Cunzhong. Dr. Johnson and Chinese culture. In : Quarterly bulletin of Chinese bibliography ; vol. 5 (1945). Chen, Shouyi. Oliver Goldsmith and his Chinese letters. In : T'ien hsia monthly ; vol. 8 (1939). Chen, Shouyi. Thomas Percy and his Chinese studies. In : The Chinese social and political science review ; vol. 20 (1936-1937). Fan, Cunzhong. William Jones's Chinese studies. In : The review of English studies ; vol. 22 (1946). Chen, Shouyi. The Chinese garden in eighteenth century England. In : T'ien hsia monthly ; vol. 2 (1936). Chen, Shouyi. The Chinese orphan : a Yuan play. In : T'ien hsia monthly ; vol. 4 (1936). [Ji, Junxiang. Zhao shi gu'er]. Hsia, Adrian. The orphan of the house Zhao in French, English, German, and Hong Kong literature. In : Comparative literature studies ; vol. 25 (1988). [Ji, Junxiang. Zhao shi gu'er]. |
Publication / Hsia8 |
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| 8 | 1999 | Chang, Hongbin. Simulation and labyrinth : text, intertext, and hypertext in Chaucer, Defoe, Eco, and the web. (Tamsui : Tankang University, Graduate Institute of Western Languages and Literature, 1999). (Diss. Tamkang Univ., 1999). | Publication / DefD31 | |
| 9 | 2004 |
Han, Jiaming. Beyond ideology and utopia. [Robinson Crusoe von Daniel Defoe und Gulliver's travels von Jonathan Swift]. www.ailc-icla.org/2004/HKPNew%20-%20Han%20Jiaming.doc. |
Web / DefD2 |
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| 10 | 2006 | Chi, Yuan-wen. Transforming and translating the form : the examples of Daniel Defoe and Lin Shu. In : Tamkang review ; vol. 36, no 4 (2006). [Paper presented at the Transculturalism : an international conference, Institute of European and American Studies, Academia Sinica, Taipei. | Publication / DefD80 | |
| 11 | 2007 | Wilson, Francis. The dar side of utopia : misanthropy and the Chinese prelude to Defoe's lunar journey. In : Comparative critical studies ; vol. 4.2 (2007). | Publication / DefD3 |
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| 12 | 2010 |
Starr, G.A. Defoe and China. In : Eighteenth-century studies ; vol. 43, no 4 (2010). http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/ecs/summary/v043/43.4.starr.html. |
Publication / DefD4 |
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