Lenin, Wladimir Iljitsch
(Simbirsk 1870-1924 Gorki bei Moskau) : Politiker, Marxist
Name Alternative(s)
Uljanow, W.I.
Lenin, Vladimir Il'ich
Subjects
Communism / Marxism / Leninism
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Index of Names : Occident
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Politics
Chronology Entries (15)
| # | Year | Text | Linked Data |
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| 1 | 1900-1901 |
Deutsche Romane, Jugendromane und Theater befassen sich mit dem Boxer-Aufstand als anti-chinesische Propaganda, ohne den historischen Zusammenhang zu kennen. Sie verbreiten ein Feindbild von China, indem sie von Gewalttaten der Chinesen gegenüber den Fremden erzählen. Die schweren Verbrechen des Westens versucht man dadurch zu rechtfertigen, dass man die noch viel grössere Grausamkeit der Boxer betont. Um die Jahrhundertwende steht das Schlagwort „die Gelbe Gefahr“ im Dienst der Propaganda zur Verteidigung der europäischen Kultur vor dem Eindringen der gelben Asiaten. Die Furcht vor der „Gelben Gefahr“ leitete sich vor allem von der Konkurrenz in der Wirtschaft her, von der Bedrohung der chinesischen Arbeitsemigranten, man sah fast überall eine Bedrohung der gelben Rasse. Max Brandt schreibt, dass man unrecht tun würde, diese Gefahr zu überschätzen. Wladimir Iljitsch Lenin schreibt : Der Krieg ist nicht erklärt, aber das ändert nicht das geringste am Wesen der Sache, denn es wird trotzdem Krieg geführt. Wodurch nun wurde der Überfall der Chinesen auf die Europäer veranlasst, dieser Aufruhr, der von den Engländern, Franzosen, Deutschen, Russen, Japanern usw. mit so viel Eifer unterdrückt wird ? „Durch die Feindschaft der gelben Rasse gegen die weisse Rasse“, „durch den Hass der Chinesen gegen die europäische Kultur und Zivilisation“ – versichern die Fürsprecher des Krieges. Man schreibt über die barbarische gelbe Rasse, ihre Feindschaft gegen die Zivilisation. Die vor der Regierung und vor dem Geldsack auf dem Bauche liegenden Journalisten schreiben sich die Finger wund, um Hass gegen China im Volk zu entfachen. |
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| 2 | 1917-1940 |
[Marxismus 1917-1949]. The Chinese revolution was not only a local and nationalist movement, but also a significant part of international revolutionary movement initiated by the Russian revolution of 1917. Certainly, there were fundamental differences between the Chinese and Russian revolutions. The Chinese revolution as primarily a peasant one, centered in the backward rural areas. The Russian revolution was city-based, led by a revolutionary vanguard, mobilized a well-organized urban proletariat. For Vladimir Lenin, revolution was primarily a political event, directed by a politically and ideologically sophisticated elite. But for the Chinese communists, revolution was at once political, social, and cultural. Unlike the Russia of prerevolutionary days, when objective conditions were considered ripe by the Leninist leadership, the Chinese revolution had to generate its own revolutionary momentum. At the time, China was dominated by a powerful alliance of warlords and Western imperialists, and the existence of bourgeoisie and urban proletarians was negligible. This rendered China fragmented, decentralized, and tension filled, but also made a well-organized urban revolutionary insurgence impossible. If the Russian revolution was a socialist revolution largely within the Western hemisphere or capitalist system, the Chinese revolution, and revolutions in the rest of the 'Third world', were much more complicated. The Chinese revolution was definitely a socialist, nationalist, and anti-imperialist struggle. Moreover, the Chinese revolution was conceived of as a way to bring about modernity, with the manifest goal of establishing a socialist alternative modernity instead of a capitalist one. The universalist and totalizing claims of the May fourth intellectuals reflect the awareness of China's social change as an integral part of a global modernity. To be sure, there were inherent connections between the forms of May fourth cultural radicalism and iconoclasm, and the deep-seated 'Chinese cultural predisposition' or 'monistic and intellectualistic mode of thinking'. But it is equally undeniable, and far more significant, that this radicalism fundamentally transformed traditional values, to which radical intellectuals themselves were thoroughly indebted. Marxism represents the single most powerful intellectual, ideological, and political force in modern China, not only contributing to the radicalization and diffusion of China's social formations, but also to the spatial and temporal fragmentation of Marxism itself as both a product and critique of Western capitalist modernity. While national salvation was certainly a high priority of the Chinese revolution, however, the enlightenment project already assumed a new objective in the Revolution : to create a new revolutionary subjectivity. This was markedly different from that of the bourgeois enlightenment advocated by Liang Qichao and Cai Yuanpei. The formation of a Marxist aesthetics in China was related to at least three complex aspects of global modernity : the universalism embedded in Chinese cultural tradition ; modern European humanist thought since the Enlightenment ; and Marxist traditions around the world. Chinese intellectuals turned toward European Enlightenment thought for new ways of reestablishing universality, viewing it as truly global and universal. They tried to free themselves from a narrowly defined, ethnocentric perspective, and genuinely believed that the European Enlightenment brought the hope of real universality for all humanity. This trend was well demonstrated in the thoughts of Liang Qichao and Cai Yuanpei, representing emergent bourgeois liberalism and humanism in China. Marxism provided the Chinese intellectuals with an alternative solution to the predicament of modernity by way of as social and political revolution that would change China's social structure and culture. This change was meant to be systematic and fundamental, in keeping with the Marxist vision of a transformation of all societies in the world. Thus, Marxist aesthetics in China was crucially related to the Chinese revolution in two senses : as a utopian discourse legitimating a socialst and communist universality, of which the Chinese revolution was an integral part, and as a hegemonic discourse in constructing a new culture and revolutionary subjectivity. Two other crucial aspects further complicated the nature of the Chinese revolution. The first has to do with urban Marxist intellectuals, who were champions and heirs of the May fourth legacy, and pioneers of the Marxist movement in China. Lu Xun's aesthetic thought is arguably the most sophisticated of the urban Marxists. His aesthetic views are expressed primarily through his allegorical writings. Lu Xun became a committed Marxist arround the turn of the 1930s. This was a time of crisis for the revolution, after the revolutionary alliance between Guomindang and the CCP broke up, and Chiang Kaishek began to round up and massacre his former communist allies in the 'reign of white terrer'. Lu Xun's conversion to Marxism was significant. As perhaps the most outspoken critical intellectual of the May fourth movement, his turn suggested a decidedly left-wing, pro-Marxist transition among a majority of May fourth intellectuals. Lu Xun's acceptance of Marxism also affected the revolution, in the sense that his influential work much enhanced the cultural struggles in the overall revolutionary movement. In Shanghai, a small yet highly energetic and dedicated group of left-wing writers gathered around Lu Xun. They and other factions of left-wing authors had miraculously effected a kind of 'Marxist turn' in Shanghai's cultural and intellectual scene in the early 1930s, when Chiang Kaishek virtually eliminated all communist activity in major cities and pushed CCP revolutonaries into the peripheral, impoverished rural regions of Jiangxi. One can view Lu Xun's acceptance of Marixsm as a dialectical process, bringing his subjective dispositions and personal psychic structures into dynamic interplay with social condistions and structures. Lu Xun took Marxism not only as an ideological guide for his politics, but also a scientific, epistemological guide for understanding the world. He advocated cultural revolution as a Marxist. He quoted Lenin to argue that without a change in attitudes and modes of behavior, the goal of revolution would never be accomplished. Lu Xun's understanding was largely acquired through Russian Marxists such as Lenin, Trotsky and Plekhanov, he was generally unaware of contemporary works by German Marxists, with the exception of Karl Wittfogel. As both a major CCP leader and Marxist theorist, Qu Qiubai contributed significantly to Chinese Marxism in two ways : he critiqued the Europeanization of the May fourth movement, and developed both a theory and practice of building a revolutionary national-popular culture. Qu's career as a writer and critic began with hist participation in Marxist movements. His writings on Russia and its leaders, including Lenin, whom he met on several occasions, aroused immediate excitement when they were published and had a lasting impact on China. Qu was ousted from his position in 1931. Withdrawing from political activity, he went to Shanghai, occupying himself exclusively with cultural and literary issues. During this period, he wrote profusely on Marxist cultural and easthetic theories, and literary criticism, in addition, he composed numerous zawen essays, and translated Russian Marxist literary theory and criticism. Qu's critique of Europeanization was derived from the classical Marxist category of class and the historical stages of progress, he was able to grasp the historical totality at the conjuncture of fragmentation and dislocation. The social reality that Qu faced was certainly different from today's advanced capitalism in the West. He frequently invoked the classical Marxist teleological notion of irreversible and unsurpassable stages in history. He maintained that 'Marxists differ from unscientific narodniks and anarchists in that they entertain no illusion at all of bypassing capitalism and arriving directly at socialism. There is only one way to socialism, that is, to carry out class struggle on the basis of capitalism. Qu mercilessly chastised the pretentiousness of Europeanized intellectuals even when they converted to Marxism. In his view, Marxism itself could not redeem them from the self-imposed 'epistemic violence' of the Western hegemonic discourse. For Marxism, he continued in his second stunning blast against Europeanization, appealed to the May fourth intellectuals precisely because it was the latest fashion of Westernization. Marxism was accepted by the Europeanizers as an ideology of Western modernity, yet as a constituent of Western epistemic violence, it could only perpetuate China's social problems. The Marxist-oriented revolutionary and proletarian literature that 'emerged from the May fourth foundation', Qu argued, 'simply offered the Europeanized gentry yet another sumptuous banquet to satisfy their new tastes, while the laboring people were still starving. Qu's main episteme was the Marxist notion of class analysis, which offers little of the theoretical ambiguity and sophistication that characterize poststructuralism. The crucial concept of class, however, did not appear reductionist or dogmatic in Qu's exposition, but rather polysemic and often self-contradictory. Qu introduced to Chinese Marxism the idea of a revoltion that would begin in cultural spheres, a revolution in which cultural change, as opposed to political or economic transformation, would be primary. The revolution in the cities was suppressed and had to shift its base to the impoverished rural areas ; at the same time, the left-wing urban intelligentsia took a 'Marxist turn' in the midst of the counterrevolutionary white terror. The urgent task for Qu, then, was to bring together the two revolutionary forces - the urban Marxist intellectuals and rural peasantry - under the hegemony of the proletariat. In his 'Draft postscripts on Marxist aesthetics' Qu stressed the significant role that culture and consicousness play in social revolution. He argued that under China's specific circumstances, revolutionary breakthrough might first occur in the superstructural realms, before social and economic transformations. He rejected the need to construct a bourgeois culture in China as an inevitable step, promoting cultural revolution as a means to subvert and go beyond bourgeois cultural hegemony. Mao Zedong saw the Chinese revolution as 'following the path of the Russians'. The Russian revolution, by waging a socialist revolution in an economically backward country, broke the teleology envisaged by classical Marxism. This was both an inspiration and justification for the Chinese communists, whose peasant revolution in a non-Western, agrarian society would constitute no less significant a beach than the Russian revolution to Marxist teleology. Classical Marxists could only conceive of a socialist revolution in the highly industrialized, advanced capitalist countries of the West, and hardly ever thought of the non-west as a possible site for revolution. White Russia was almost at the periphery of Eurocentric thinking, to which Marx remained captive, China was positively removed, and Marx's only serious reflection on China was cast in a rather ambiguous double bind. Marx did not want to follow Hegel's etnocentric notion to deny China a history outright, but he could not find a proper place in history for China, except in an indeterminate and vauge 'Asiatic mode of production'. In his Talks at the Yan'an forum Mao Zedong argued that urban Marxist intellectuals should come to understand that their passage from Shanghai to Yan'an 'involved not just two different localities but wo different historical eras. One is a semifeudal, semicolonial society ruled by big landlords and the big bourgeoisie ; the other is a revolutionary new democratic society under the leadership of the proletariat. To arrive in a revoltionary base area is to arrive in a dynasty, unprecedented in thousands of years of Chinese history, a dynasty were workers, peasants, and soldiers, and the popular masses hold power. |
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| 3 | 1920 | Vladiir Lenin schickt Grigori Voitinsky nach China um den Kommunismus in China zu starten. Er trifft die Society for the Study of Marxism gegründet von Li Dazhao, Chen Duxiu, Zhang Guotao und Mao Zedong in Beijing. Voitinsky hilft bei der Organisation von Niederlassungen in Shanghai, Beijing, Changsha, Hankou, Guangzhou und Jinan. In Shanghai trifft er Sun Yat-sen. |
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| 4 | 1921 |
Gründung der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas. Der Marxismus wird zur leitenden Ideologie der Partei erklärt und legt grossen Wert auf die Propagierungs des Marxismus, den sie als einen Bestandteil der revolutionären Sache des Proletariats betrachtet. Mao Zedong sagt : Erst nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg und der Oktoberrevolution fanden wir den Marxismus-Leninismus, diese höchste Wahrheit, die zur besten Waffe für die Befreiung unserer Nation gemacht wurde, wobei der Initiator, Propagandist und Organisator die Kommunistische Partei war. |
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| 5 | 1921-1950 |
[Marxismus 1921-1950]. 1921-1927 Die Zahl der chinesischen Titel der Werke von Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels nimmt zu. 1927 Die Guomindang-Reaktionäre unterdrücken die revolutionäre Bewegung. Marxistische Werke werden verboten, die Verlage der Kommunistischen Partei beschlagnahmt. Verfolgung aller, die revolutionäre Publikationen lesen, übersetzen und verbreiten. 1928-1929 Wiederaufbau der Parteiorganisationen und Herausgabe von über 12 Werken von Marx und Engels. 1930 Gründung der Liga Linker Schriftsteller mit Lu Xun, Mao Dun, Hu Feng, Yu Dafu, Qu Qiubai u.a. und die Vereinigung der Sozialwissenschaftler in Shanghai, was die Entwicklung auf kulturellem und ideologischem Gebiet beeinflusst und die Erforschung der marxistischen Sozialwissenschaften fördert. Die Untergrund-Verlage der Partei und fortschrittliche Buchhandlungen fördern die Herausgabe von über 20 Werken von Marx und Engels. 1936 Die Guomindang verordnen ein Presse-Gesetz über Zensur von Propagandamaterialien und Publikationen und erstellen eine Liste verbotenen Bücher, zu denen alle marxistischen Werke gehören. Trotz Verfolgung übersetzen und verlegen die Kommunisten weiterhin Werke von Marx und Engels. 1937 Yan'an, Sitz des Zentralkomitees der Kommunistischen Partei ist auch das Zentrum des Studiums und der Propaganda des Marxismus und der Herausgabe von Werken von Marx, Engels, Lenin und Stalin. Das Zentralkomitee ist der Meinung, dass man den Marxismus studieren, die positiven und negativen Erfahrungen auswerten und die Fähigkeiten, den Marxismus auf die Lösung der praktischen Fragen der chinesischen Revolution anzuwenden, haben soll, um den endgültigen Sieg im Widerstandskrieg gegen Japan zu erringen. 1938-1942 Der Verlag Befreiung 'Jie fang she' in Yan'an gibt eine Marx-Engels-Buchreihe heraus. 1939 Die Militärkommission der Kommunistischen Partei beschliesst militärwissenschaftliche Arbeiten von Friedrich Engels zu veröffentlichen. 1939-1940 Schliessung der Verlage von marxistischen und revolutionären Werken in den Gebieten der Guomindang. 1942 wird in Yan'an eine Bewegung zur Verbesserung der Arbeitsstils gegründet, die die Lösung zum Ziel hat, den Marxismus richtig zu behandeln und mit der Praxis der chinesischen Revolution zu verbinden. 1947 Neuauflegung der Werke von Marx, Engels, Lenin und Stalin in Hong Kong. 1949-1950 Das Zentralkomitee der Kommunistischen Partei gibt die Buchreihe "Obligatorische Lektüre für die Kader" heraus, darunter das Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei, Die Entwicklung des Sozialismus von der Utopie zur Wissenschaft von Karl Marx und Denkweise und Methodologie von Marx, Engels, Lenin und Stalin. |
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| 6 | 1923 | Die Kommunistische Partei gründet einen Verlag in Shanghai, der sich speziell mit dem Druck und der Herausgabe der Partei-Dokumente und der marxistisch-leninistischen Werke befasst. | |
| 7 | 1924 | Tod von Wladimir Iljitsch Lenin. |
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| 8 | 1930-1936 | Gründung der marxistisch-leninistischen Gesellschaft Zuo yi zuo jia lian meng [League of Leftist Writers] unter Lu Xun. | |
| 9 | 1938 | Gründung des Marxistisch-Leninistischen Instituts anlässlich des 120. Geburtstages von Karl Marx, sowie eine Abteilung zur Übersetzung und Publikation der Werke von Marx, Engels, Lenin und Stalin. |
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| 10 | 1938 |
Mao, Zedong. The role of the Chinese Communist Party in the Natinal war. [Report to the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Party]. Generally speaking, all Communist Party members who can do so should study the theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, study our national history and study current movements and trends; moreover, they should help to educate members with less schooling. The cadres in particular should study these subjects carefully, while members of the Central Committee and senior cadres should give them even more attention. No political party can possibly lead a great revolutionary movement to victory unless it possesses revolutionary theory and a knowledge of history and has a profound grasp of the practical movement. The theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin is universally applicable. We should regard it not as a dogma, but as a guide to action. Studying it is not merely a matter of learning terms and phrases but of learning Marxism-Leninism as the science of revolution. It is not just a matter of understanding the general laws derived by Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin from their extensive study of real life and revolutionary experience, but of studying their standpoint and method in examining and solving problems. Our Party's mastery of Marxism-Leninism is now rather better than it used to be, but is still far from being extensive or deep. Ours is the task of leading a great nation of several hundred million in a great and unprecedented struggle. For us, therefore, the spreading and deepening of the study of Marxism-Leninism present a big problem demanding an early solution which is possible only through concentrated effort. Following on this plenary session of the Central Committee, I hope to see an all-Party emulation in study which will show who has really learned something, and who has learned more and learned better. So far as shouldering the main responsibility of leadership is concerned, our Party's fighting capacity will be much greater and our task of defeating Japanese imperialism will be more quickly accomplished if there are one or two hundred comrades with a grasp of Marxism-Leninism which is systematic and not fragmentary, genuine and not hollow. Another of our tasks is to study our historical heritage and use the Marxist method to sum it up critically. Our national history goes back several thousand years and has its own characteristics and innumerable treasures. But in these matters we are mere schoolboys. Contemporary China has grown out of the China of the past; we are Marxist in our historical approach and must not lop off our history. We should sum up our history from Confucius to Sun Yat-sen and take over this valuable legacy. This is important for guiding the great movement of today. Being Marxists, Communists are internationalists, but we can put Marxism into practice only when it is integrated with the specific characteristics of our country and acquires a definite national form. The great strength of Marxism-Leninism lies precisely in its integration with the concrete revolutionary practice of all countries. For the Chinese Communist Party, it is a matter of learning to apply the theory of Marxism-Leninism to the specific circumstances of China. For the Chinese Communists who are part of the great Chinese nation, flesh of its flesh and blood of its blood, any talk about Marxism in isolation from China's characteristics is merely Marxism in the abstract, Marxism in a vacuum. Hence to apply Marxism concretely in China so that its every manifestation has an indubitably Chinese character, i.e., to apply Marxism in the light of China's specific characteristics, becomes a problem which it is urgent for the whole Party to understand and solve. Foreign stereotypes must be abolished, there must be less singing of empty, abstract tunes, and dogmatism must be laid to rest, they must be replaced by the fresh, lively Chinese style and spirit which the common people of China love. To separate internationalist content from national form is the practice of those who do not understand the first thing about internationalism. We, on the contrary, must link the two closely. In this matter there are serious errors in our ranks which should be conscientiously overcome. What are the characteristics of the present movement? What are its laws? How is it to be directed? These are all practical questions. To this day we do not yet understand everything about Japanese imperialism, or about China. The movement is developing, new things have yet to emerge, and they are emerging in an endless stream. To study this movement in its entirety and in its development is a great task claiming our constant attention. Whoever refuses to study these problems seriously and carefully is no Marxist. |
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| 11 | 1943 |
Xu, Chi. Meiguo shi ge de chuan tong [ID D29887]. Xu Chi contended that the tradition in American poetry is none other than Whitman's tradition of democracy. He drew 'a historical parallel' between two pairs of poets and political leaders : Whitman and Lincoln, Mayakovsky and Lenin. |
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| 12 | 1949 | Gründung eines Übersetzungs-Bureau für die Übersetzung von Karl Marx und Wladimir Iljitsch Lenin. |
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| 13 | 1949- |
[Marxismus 1949-]. Hu Yongqing : Entfaltung einer landesweiten Bewegung zum Studium des Marxismus. Die Werke von Marx, Engels, Lenin und Stalin werden in grossen Auflagen nachgedruckt. Yin Xuyi : Nach der Gründung der Volksrepublik war die wichtigste Aufgabe der Kommunistischen Partei, für die Propagande und Erziehungsarbeit, marxistische Werke zu studieren. Die wichtigste Erfahrung der Kommunistischen Partei bei der Übernahme, Verbreitung und Anwendung des Marxismus war es, den Marxismus mit der konkreten Praxis der chinesischen Revolution zu verbinden. Oskar Negt : Eine der wichtigen Fragen, die mit dem Verhältnis des Marxismus zu den Revolutionen in industriellen rückständigen Ländern zu tun haben ist, weshalb sich die Marxsche Gesellschaftstheorie, eines der komplexesten Resultate der europäischen Aufklärung, in besonderer Weise dazu eignete, den sozialen Emanzipationsprozess der unterdrückten und ausgebeuteten Massen zu strukturieren und zu organisieren. Selbst wenn man unterstellt, dass diese Massen selber im Regelfall nur wenig von Marx und Engels aufgenommen und verstanden haben, ist es bemerkenswert, dass die Organisierung der Revolutionen in Russland und in China mit einem gebrifflichen Instrumentarium möglich war, in dem sich beispielhaft der okzidentale Rationalismus verkörpert hat. Die Häufigkeit, mit der Lenin und Stalin zitiert werden, beruht nicht auf der theoretischen Schlüssigkeit ihrer Theorien ; es ist die praktische Emanzipationsdimension marxistischen Denkens, die von ausschlaggebendem Interesse ist. Russland ist für China das historische Fanal des Ausbruchs eines unterentwickelten Landes aus dem Zwangszusammenhang des Imperialismus, und dieses Fanal hat eigenständige Wirkung auf ein Land, das sich in einem sozialrevolutionären Befreiungskampf befindet. Es gibt zwei Motive, welche die Rezeption des Marxismus in China angeleitet haben. 1. Durch konfuzianische Assimilierung der Marxschen Dialektik die chinesischen Gewohnheiten und Traditionen des Verhaltens nicht zusätzlich zu bestätigen, sondern sie zu überwinden. 2. An einem Beispiel zu lernen, wie eine Revolution in einem Lande erfolgreich sein kann, dessen Bevölkerungsmehrheit aus Bauern besteht. Dass sich die Russische Revolution nicht bewusst als eine Bauernrevolution verstanden hat, ist nebensächlich. Bauern waren jedenfalls ihre wesentlichen materiellen Träger gewesen. Es mag der Konflikt zwischen China und der Sowjetunion, der später zum politischen Brucht führte, bereits in diesen frühen Auffassungsunterschieden begründet sein. Von einer Sowjetisierung des Denkens von Mao Zedong kann zu keiner Zeit die Rede sein, obwohl vieles, was Mao vom Marxismus aufgenommen hat, über Lenin und Stalin vermittelt worden ist. |
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| 14 | 1953 | Gründung des Instituts zur Herausgabe und Übersetzung der Werke von Marx, Engels, Lenin und Stalin durch das Zentralkomitee der Kommunistischen Partei in Beijing. |
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| 15 | 1966-1976.2 |
Kulturrevolution. (2) : Westliche Literatur während der Kulturrevolution Die klassische und moderne chinesische Literatur und die Weltliteratur wird negiert. In den Buchhandlungen stehen nur die Werke von Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Wladimir Iljitsch Lenin, Iossif Wissarionovitch Stalin und Mao Zedong. In den Bibliotheken darf man keine ausländische Literatur ausleihen, viele Werke werden als Abfall verkauft oder verbrannt, Übersetzungen werden verboten und nur heimlich geschrieben. Die einzigen erlaubten Übersetzungen sind Texte von Eugène Pottier, der Autor der Internationale und ausgewählte Gedichte von Georg Weerth wegen seiner Freundschaft mit Karl Marx. Bertolt Brecht und Huang Zuolin werden während der Kulturrevolution verboten. Huang kommt in Gefangenschaft. "Livres confidentielles", die von einigen ausgewählten Rotgardisten gelesen werden : Camus, Albert. Ju wai ren. = L'étranger. Garaudy, Roger. Ren de yuan jing. = Perspectives de l'homme. Kerouac, Jack. Zai lu shang. = On the road. Salinger, J.D. Mai tian li de shou wang zhe. = The catcher in the rye. Sartre, Jean-Paul. Yan wu ji qi ta. = La nausée. Xian dai ying mei zi chan jie ji wen yi li lun wen xuan. (Bei jing : Zuo jia chu ban she, 1962). [Sélection des essais théoriques littéraires des bourgeois anglais et américains modernes]. 现代美英资产阶级文艺理论文选 |
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Bibliography (5)
| # | Year | Bibliographical Data | Type / Abbreviation | Linked Data |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | 1934 |
Lenin, Vladimir Il'ich ; Plekhanov, Georgii Valentinovich. Tuo'ersitai lun. Wuliyanuofu, Puliehanuofu zhu ; He Wei, Ke Yihe yi. (Shanghai : Si chao chu ban she, 1934). Übersetzung von Lenin, Vladimir Il'ich ; Plekhanov, Georgii Valentinovich. L.N. Tolstoi im Spiegel des Marxismus. (Wien : Verlag für Literatur und Politik, 1928). 托爾斯泰論 |
Publication / Tol263 | |
| 2 | 1936 |
[Lenin, Wladimir Iljitsch]. Heige'er lun li xue da gang. Liu Jichen yi. (Shanghai : Zhi shi shu dian, 1936). [Abhandlung über die Logik von Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel]. 黑格尔论理学大纲 |
Publication / Hegel130 | |
| 3 | 1949 |
[Lenin, Wladimir Iljitsch]. Heige'er „Luo ji xue“ yi shu zhai yao : Zhe xue bi ji zhi yi. Liening [zhu] ; Cao Baohua yi. Vol. 1-2. (Beijing : Jie fang she, 1949). [Abhandlung über Wissenschaft der Logik von Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel ; Übersetzung von Lenin, Wladimir Iljitsch. Konspekt knigi Gegeli’a]. 黑格爾"邏輯学"一書摘要 : 哲學筆記之一 |
Publication / Hegel132 | |
| 4 | 1956 |
[Lenin, Wladimir Iljitsch]. Heige'er "Luo ji xue" yi shu zhai yao. Liening [zhu] ; Zhong gong zhong yang Makesi En'gesi Liening zhu zuo bian yi ju yi. Vol. 1-2. (Beijing : Ren min chu ban she, 1956). [Abhandlung über Wissenschaft der Logik von Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel ; Übersetzung von Lenin, Wladimir Iljitsch. Konspekt knigi Gegeli’a]. 黑格爾邏輯學一書摘要 |
Publication / Hegel131 | |
| 5 | 2007 |
Heige'er yu Liening de luo ji si xiang = Hegel's and Lenin’s logic theories. Qin Ying, Yang Nanli, Guo Wenqing bian zhu. (Kunming : Yunnan da xue chu ban she, 2007). 黑格尔与列宁的逻辑思想 |
Publication / Hegel171 |
Secondary Literature (7)
| # | Year | Bibliographical Data | Type / Abbreviation | Linked Data |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | 1932 | [Fülöp Miller, René]. Liening yu Gandi. Fulepumile zhu ; Wu Guangjian yi. (Shanghai : Hua tong shu ju, 1930). Übersetzung von Fülöp Miller, René. Lenin and Ghandi. (Zürich ; Leipzig ; Wien : Amalthea-Verlag, 1927). [Vladimir Il'ich Lenin ; Mahatma Gandhi]. | Publication / WuG11 | |
| 2 | 1949 |
[Gorky, Maksim]. He Liening xiang chu de ri zi. Gao'erji ; Cheng Shi yi. (Shanghai : Ping ming chu ban she, 1949). (Xin yi wen cong kan). Übersetzung von Gorky, Maksim. Vladimir Il'ich Lenin. (Leningrad : Gosudarstvennoe Izd., 1924). = V.I. Lenin. Transl. by C.W. Parker-Arkhangelskaya. (Moscow : Centrizdat, 1931). = Lénin et le paysan russe. (Paris : Aux éditions du Sagittaire, 1926). 和列寧相處的日子 |
Publication / Gork97 | |
| 3 | 1977 |
[Gorky, Maksim]. Liening. (Beijing : Ren min wen xue chu ban she, 1977). Übersetzung von Gorky, Maksim. Vladimir Il'ich Lenin. (Leningrad : Gosudarstvennoe Izd., 1924). = V.I. Lenin. Transl. by C.W. Parker-Arkhangelskaya. (Moscow : Centrizdat, 1931). = Lénin et le paysan russe. (Paris : Aux éditions du Sagittaire, 1926). 列宁 |
Publication / Gork109 | |
| 4 | 1981 |
Liening yu Gao'erji tong xin ji. Anhui da xue Sulian wen xue yan jiu zu bian yi. (Beijing : Wai guo wen xue chu ban she, 1981). (Wai guo wen xue). [Abhandlung über Vladimir Lenin und Maksim Gorky]. 列寧與高爾基通信集 |
Publication / Gork236 | |
| 5 | 1985 |
Jiang, Pizhi. Liening yu Heige'er bian zheng fa. (Fuzhou : Fujian ren min chu ban she, 1985). [Abhandlung über Lenin und die Dialektik von Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel]. 列宁与黑格尔辩証法 |
Publication / Hegel115 | |
| 6 | 1987 |
Cheng, Yifeng. "Zhe xue bi ji" yu Heige'er zhe xue. (Xi’an : Shaanxi shi fan da xue, 1987). [ Wladimir Iljitsch Lenins "Philosophische Hefte" und Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegels Philosophie]. "哲学笔记" 与黑格尔哲学 |
Publication / Hegel73 | |
| 7 | 1989 |
Hou, Shudong ; Xu, Zhigong. Lun Liening dui Heige'er zhe xue de yan jiu. (Beijing : Guo fang da xue chu ban she, 1989). [Abhandlung über Lenins Studien zur Philosophie von Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel]. 论列宁对黑格尔哲学的研究 |
Publication / Hegel103 |