Zhou, Enlai
(Huaian, Jiangsu 1898-1976 Beijing) : Politiker der Kommunistischen Partei, Premierminister, Aussenminister
Name Alternative(s)
Chou, En-lai
Subjects
Communism / Marxism / Leninism
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History : China
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History : China - Occident : General
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Index of Names : China
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Periods : China : People's Republic (1949-)
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Periods : China : Republic (1912-1949)
Chronology Entries (47)
| # | Year | Text | Linked Data |
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| 1 | 1920-1924 | Zhou Enlai begleitet die Gruppe der chinesischen Studenten nach Frankreich. Sie studieren am Collège de Montargis in Paris. Zhou Enlai arbeitet und reist in Frankreich und Deutschland. Er wird Marxist. |
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| 2 | 1921 | Verhaftung von Zhou Enlai wegen seiner Beteiligung an der antiimperialistisch-patriotischen Bewegung in Tianjin. Er erläutert inhaftierten Jugendlichen das Leben von Marx, die Entwicklungsgeschichte der Gesellschaft, die materialistische Geschichtsauffassung sowie die Kapitalkonzentration. |
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| 3 | 1928 | Sixth World Congress der Komintern in Moskau. Unter den Delegierten sind Nikolaj Ivanovich Bucharin, Zhou Enlai, Qu Qiubai et al. | |
| 4 | 1936 | Edgar Snow besucht als erster Journalist während fünf Monaten die Rote Armee, Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai und andere kommunistische Führer in Bao'an und den Höhlen von Yan'an (Shaanxi). |
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| 5 | 1938.03.08 | W.H. Auden and Christopher Isherwood in Hankou. "This is the real capital of war-time China. All kinds of people live in this town – Chiang Kai-shek, Agnes Smedley, Chou En-lai ; generals, ambassadors, journalists, foreign naval officers, soldiers of fortune, airmen, missionaries, spies… The Consul has offered us the hospitality of a big empty room." They visit Bishop Logan H. Roots. |
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| 6 | 1941 | Lauchlin Currie führt im Auftrag von Franklin Roosevelt und der amerikanischen Regierung Verhandlungen mit Chiang Kai-shek und Zhou Enlai in Chongqing (Sichuan). |
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| 7 | 1941.04.06-04.15 |
Ernest Hemingway and Martha Gellhorn fly to Chongqing. They live in Song Ziwen's house Whatchumcallit . Hemingway met Theodore H. White, had a meeting with Chinese generals and a session with He Yingqing and Zhou Enlai. He met William Lederer. Hemingway later admit to Harry Dexter White and Henry Morgenthau that life in Chongqing was extremely difficult and unpleasant. April 9, Hemingway and Gellhorn meet Ambassador Nelson Trusler Johnson in Chongqing. April 10, Hemingway flies to Chengdu (Sichuan), Martha Gellhorn remained in Chongqing. April 11, Hemingway sees the construction of the airfield of Chengdu (Sichuan). He visited a Chinese military academy, watched workers who build an airfield and met professors at Chengdu University. April 12, Hemingway returns to Chongqing. April 14, Hemingway and Gellhorn have lunch with Chiang Kaishek and Soong May-ling and a banquet at Jialin Hotel. They discussed military, political and economic affairs and the relations with the Communists. April 15, Hemingway and Gellhorn have their second interview with Soong May-ling. |
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| 8 | 1941.05.16 | Zhou Enlai telegraphed Liao Chengzhi and Mao Zedong in Yanan from Chongqing. Chou said : "According to our conversation with Ernest Hemingway, we still have a lot of room to maneuver diplomatically. We suggest adding several people in Hong Kong to coordinate our activities, and the objectives and guidelines in Hong Kong have to be the same as in Chongqing." |
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| 9 | 1944 | Israel Epstein interviewt Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Zhu De und andere Kommunisten in Yan'an für die New York Times. |
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| 10 | 1945 | George C. Marshall ist Sonderbotschafter bei den Friedensverhandlungen zwischen Guomindang und den Kommunisten. Li Huang ist an den Verhandlungen beteiligt. Er trifft Zhou Enlai. |
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| 11 | 1948 | Jakob Rosenfeld trifft Mao Zedong und Zhou Enlai. | |
| 12 | 1951 | Treffen des Chinese Christian Three-Self Patriotic Movements mit Zhou Enlai in Beijing. |
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| 13 | 1952 | Zhou Enlai besucht mit einer chinesischen Delegation, Chen Yun und Li Fuchun Moskau und trifft Josef Stalin. Es gibt keine konkreten Vereinbarungen |
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| 14 | 1954-1955 |
Zhou Enlai besucht die Deutsche Demokratische Republik 1954 und Otto Grotewohl besucht 1955 die Volksrepublik China, wo er den Vertrag über Zusammenarbeit und Freundschaft unterzeichnet. Um China beim sozialistischen Aufbau zu helfen, kommen DDR-Spezialisten nach China, DDR-Lektoren für deutsche Sprache und Literatur an chinesische Hochschulen und chinesische Germanistikstudenten in die DDR. Daher geniesst in dieser Periode die deutschsprachige Literatur der DDR absolute Priorität. Die Germanistikstudenten erhalten ein Bild des Lebens in der DDR, aber kein vollständiges Bild von Deutschland, Österreich und der Schweiz. Was in der DDR passierte war positiv und revolutionär, was im Westen passierte reaktionär und negativ. Durch die DDR erfahren die chinesischen Leser, welch positive Veränderungen die Bodenreform und die Vergenossenschaftlichung der Landwirtschaft mit sich bringen und wie die ideologische Umerziehung der Intelligenz dort vor sich gegangen ist. Die DDR-Literatur ist in China deshalb verbreitet worden, weil sie, nicht wegen ihrem künstlerischen Wert, sondern als Lehrmaterial für die politische Schulung betrachtet wurde. |
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| 15 | 1954 | Delegation von Zhou Enlai an der Genfer Konferenz. Qiao Guanhua ist Berater und bereist Deutschland, Polen, die Soviet Union und die Mongolei. |
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| 16 | 1954 | Besuch von Zhou Enlai in der Schweiz anlässlich der Genfer Indochina-Konferenz. |
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| 17 | 1954 | Richard Gardiner Casey trifft Zhou Enlai in Genève. | |
| 18 | 1957-1970 | Anna Louise Strong lebt und schreibt in China. Sie trifft Zhou Enlai und Mao Zedong. |
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| 19 | 1957 | Zhou Enlai besucht Ungarn. Janos Kadar besucht China mit einer ungarischen Delegation. Ferenc Münnich und Zhou Enlai unterschreiben einen Freundschaftsvertrag. |
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| 20 | 1957 | Pavel Yudin lädt Zhou Enlai für Gespräche nach Moskau ein. | |
| 21 | 1960 | Besuch von Zhou Enlai in Bern zur Feier des Nationalfeiertags der Schweiz. Er trifft René Naville und hält eine Rede, in der er die Neutralität der Schweiz lobt. |
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| 22 | 1962.11.16 |
Letter from Zhou Enlai to Bertrand Russell. 16.11.1962. [Extract]. The Chinese attacks on the border with India were in self-defence and that it is hoped that Bertrand Russell can use his influence to promote a peaceful settlement. Zhou Enlai appeals for Russell to use his influence to promote a peaceful settlement of the Sino-Indian boundary question. Zhou Enlai comments that so long as there is a ray of hope China will continue to work towards a peaceful settlement of the Sino-Indian border dispute. He also urges Russell to use his 'distinguished influence to promote a peaceful settlement of the Sino-Indian boundary question. Zhou Enlai tells Russell that the Chinese government will continue to strive 'for a peaceful settlement of the Sino-Indian boundary question'. He hopes Russell will use his distinguished influence to promote a peaceful settlement of the Sino-Indian boundary question. |
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| 23 | 1962.11.24 |
Letter from Zhou Enlai to Bertrand Russell. 24.11.1962. [Extract]. Zhou Enlai states that the Chinese government hopes that the Indian government will be willing to change its past attitude and sincerely settle the Sino-Indian boundary question through friendly negotiations. Zhou Enlai hopes that Russell will continue to use his distinguished influence to urge the Indian Government to respond positively to the Chinese governments. Zhou Enlai welcomes Russell's support of the Chinese cease-fire proposal. He notes that the Indian government has repeatedly rejected any Chinese proposals, and hopes that the Indian government will be willing to change its past attitude and sincerely settle the Sino-Indian boundary question through friendly negotiations. |
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| 24 | 1963.03.19 |
Letter from Bertrand Russell to Zhou Enlai. Plas Penrhyn, 19. März 1963. Dear Mr. Chou En-Lai, I have read with interest your statements concerning the Colombo proposals and I am heartened that your Government accepts them in principle. I am anxious, however, about the difference in interpretation placed upon the proposals by Mr. Nehru and yourself. I believe that the unilateral cease-fire of your Government and the withdrawal of your forces indicates clearly the sincerity of your desire for an understanding with the Indian Government on the border question. The fact that your forces are now substantially behind the positions of September 8th, 1962, which Mr. Nehru has said earlier were the circumstances necessary for his willingness to enter talks, speaks again of Chinese sincerity. You will appreciate, therefore, that in writing to you now I do so with awareness of your efforts to solve this dispute and with sympathy for them. I believe that the issue separating your Government and that of Mr. Nehru from beginning bilateral negotiations consists of the disposition of Indian troops in the Eastern sector and of Indian civil check-points in the Western sector. I understand that China feels that the withdrawal of her troops to twenty kilometres behind the McMahon Line should not herald the advance of Indian forces into the vacated area. I also understand that China objects to Indian civil check-points in the Western sector from which Chinese troops have withdrawn. Would it not be possible to have the consistent principle apply wherein the civil authorities of both China and India could set up check-points in the vacated areas of all sectors without regard to the final determination of any part of the boundary ? Final determination would wait upon bilateral negotiations between India and China. Would it not further be possible for Madame Bandaranaike to appeal for talks to begin immediately on the ground that the differences now separating China and India, as regards the conditions for talks, are so slight as hardly to justify continued dispute ? You will understand how anxious I am that talks begin as soon as possible and in the best possible spirit and it may be that a suggestion from Madame Bandaranaike would facilitate the immediate commencement of them. I assure you I have sympathy for your efforts to settle this dispute amicably and that I shall continue to seek to facilitate this to whatever extent I am able. There is a particular point about which I should wish to seek your advice. I should be happy and anxious to have a first hand account of the Chinese feelings and Chinese advances. If it would be possible for you to invite two of my representatives to come to China, so that I might have this opportunity. I should be in your great debt. I should dearly with to come myself, but age prevents this. I hope you will not mind my asking this of you. With my warm good wishes and respect, Yours sincerely, Bertrand Russell. |
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| 25 | 1963 |
Letter from Zhou Enlai to Bertrand Russell. 30.5.1963. [Extract]. Zhou Enlai expresses China's view on the border dispute with India. China wants an amicable settlement of its boundary questions through peaceful negotiations on the basis of equality. |
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| 26 | 1963.06.05 |
Letter from Zhou Enlai to Bertrand Russell. 5.6.1963. [Zusammenfassung]. Zhou Enlai makes reference to the fact that China has successively taken a series of important measures on its own initiative in order to promote Sino-Indian negotiations. Zhou Enlai would warmly welcome Russell's personal visit to China, if health condition permits it. He comments that he would welcome the visit by Russell's representatives, and gives an outline of the steps China has taken towards securing a peaceful settlement of the Sino-Indian boundary dispute. He also pints out to Russell that facts about Tibet contained in unarmed victory are inconsistent with the historical facts. He said he had been reading a summary of 'Unarmed Victory' in Chinese. (This was presumably prepared specially for him : no Chinese translation was ever published). He seemed quite pleased with the book, which at the time was one of the few Western documents which attempted to put China's case sympathetically, though Russell made no bones about his detestation of Chinese communism or his immense respect for Nehru and the Indian policy of non-alignment. Zhou thought, that Russell had made mistakes about Tibet, the McMahon Line, and China's foreign policy. (He sent the Chinese Chargé d'Affaires to Wales to put him right). He also dismissed the differences between India and China over the Colombo proposals as unimportant matters could be resolved in negotiations. |
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| 27 | 1963.06.14 |
Letter from Bertrand Russell to Zhou Enlai. Plas Penrhyn, 14. Juni 1963. Dear Premier Chou En-lai, I am grateful to you for your instructive and generous letter to me, and I value the opportunity to send my personal associates to China. I have been deeply impressed by the initiatives that your Government has taken with a view to bringing about a settlement of the dispute between China and India, and by the fact that you have done more than has been asked of your Government by the Colombo Powers with respect, to the withdrawal of your troops in the Central and Eastern Sectors, although you were not obliged to do so by the recommendations of the Colombo Powers. I further understand that China has, in addition to releasing all military personnel, returned all captured military equipment to the Government of India. These steps, and the repeated guarantee on the part of China that negotiations between the two countries may be conducted without any assumptions as to where boundary lines and troop positions are to be placed, have impressed me with the entire sincerity of your Government in its desire to settle this dispute. I agree with you when you say that the Indian Government has failed to provide one initiative or conciliatory gesture such as might allow a friendly atmosphere and the onset of serious negotiations. I recognize, also that there is every reason to suspect the sincerity of India's professed willingness to negotiate. I suggest, however, that, assuming all this to be the case, it would be in China's interests to accept the Indian interpretation of the proposals. There would be two advantages in this course : first, that is would probe the sincerity of India's professed willingness to negotiate ; and second, that, if India proved insincere and refused to negotiate, even the habitual practice of misrepresentation by the West would not be able to conceal from world opinion that China is eager for peace, and India is not. I suggest that these considerations should outweigh your justifiable objection to Indian civilian officials in Aksai Chin. It seems to me that it would not be 'appeasement' or 'weakness' should China say that, unreasonable as it is for India to presume to suggest that there could be pre-conditions for negotiations, , China is prepared to allow these civilian posts so that India will have no further stated grounds to use as pretexts for failing to begin negotiations. I have persistently urged India to begin negotiations, first on the basis of your proposals of October 24th, then on the basis of your interpretation of the Colombo proposals. I have written to Prime Ministers Nehru and Bandaranaike and to U Thant in this sense. I have appealed to all those Indians with whom I have had association during many years. You will understand, therefore, that I have not sought to persuade only China to make concessions or have at any point envisaged impairing the position of your Government or your people. Should China state that the considers India's demands to be unreasonable in the extreme but, nonetheless, as a test of India's sincerity, will permit a certain number of Indian civilian posts in the area north of the line from which Chinese troops have withdrawn 20 kilometres in the Western Sector, there would be nothing India could do except agree to negotiate or accept exposure before the world. I am well aware of the difficulties which were imposed upon the conflict between China and India through the intrusion of the United States and Britain. It is clear to me that they are encouraging India to arm to the teeth and to harbor long-term hostilities toward China. It is largely because of this that I urge you to remove the last obstacle to negotiations. This, to my mind, is the course of strength and is not appeasement or unlimited concession. It seems to me that, should China remove every vestige of nominal Indian objections to beginning negotiations, China would both force India to come to the Conference table and release many forces within India which could then agitate for peace and understanding and agreement. Although the Colombo proposals as interpreted are weighted to India's advantage, they are, as all the participating members have pointed out, recommendations, and have only the force of suggested arrangements such as to facilitate negotiations. You yourself have pointed this out to me. It seems to me, therefore, that it would be possible for China to accede to such interpretations as India unreasonably insists upon, so that the danger of provocations or of foreign intervention or of a deteriorating situation may be avoided. I am grateful for your frankness in putting to me your view in China and Tibet, and I am taking care to study them and also your Government's position on the overall question of peace and war. With good wishes and high regard, Yours sincerely, Bertrand Russell |
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| 28 | 1963.07.21 |
Letter from Zhou Enlai to Bertrand Russell. 5.6.1963. [Extract]. Zhou Enlai states that the Chinese and Indian armed forces have disengaged and the border situation has eased. |
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| 29 | 1963.07.29 |
Letter from Bertrand Russell to Zhou Enlai. Plas Penrhyn, 29. Juli 1963. Dear Premier Chou, My representatives have given to me a full account of their discussions with Prime Minister Nehru, Prime Minister Bandaranaike and yourself. I have been deeply interested in their reports and find myself fully informed of the discussions which occurred. They have also given to me a detailed description of their impressions of the development and advance in China since 1949. I consider the new posture of Mr. Nehru, advanced in his talks with my associates, to be very important. It is my hope that he will, as you request, confirm in writing that which he said to my associates and which he asked them to convey to you. I entirely endorse the suggestion they made to Mr. Nehru which prompted his response. I consider all those initiatives undertaken by you previously to be admirable, particularly as they occurred without such assurances in advance as are now obtainable from Mr. Nehru with respect to the hoped-for negotiations. I also have place hope in your earlier statements concerning your determination to remove any obstacles in the way of genuine negotiations. As I explained in the letter carried by my colleagues, concessions designed to probe finally the sincerity of Indian willingness to settle the dispute seemed to me to be desirable for the sake of normal relations and an end to the threat of conflict. All the more reason why the 'no man's land' formula gains in importance for the guarantee of negotiations which consider the overall issue. I remain hopeful that Mr. Nehru's response will be communicated to you and that you will, accordingly, find a way to remove such obstacles as may remain in the way of negotiations. Your representative's words to me in London that China, for her part, was prepared to forego her right to civilian posts in the area east of the line of actual control in Aksai Chin vacated by Chinese forces were important. He had further said that for China the important issue in this connection was that it was not allowable for Indian civil posts to enter the area. Consequently, the 'no man's land' connection seemed entirely reasonable and, in fact, implied by China's own weighting of the issue : namely, that while the self-denial concerning her own civil posts was conceivable, the advent of those of India was not. I approve of all that my representatives said on my behalf and consider them to have reflected my own feelings accurately and well. It is a disappointment to me that there should have been certain disagreements over minor matters with them. This is particularly so because during the past year my access to facts which made more clear and correct the attitude of your government with respect to the border conflict was made possible because of their efforts on my behalf. I need not tell you of the difficulty to form an accurate picture about China when restricted to information available in the West. I wish you to know that our concern for fair play with respect to China was greatly aided by the efforts of all my colleagues and I certainly endorse their endeavor on this occasion of their mission on my behalf. I should regret that the important matter of settlement between China and India were clouded by any irrelevant issue and, therefore, desire not to express myself on other and smaller matters. I hope you will accept my sincere appreciation for your kind gifts and the opportunity given Mr. Schoenman and Mr. Pottle to see China and to act on my behalf. With my good wishes and respect, Yours sincerely, Bertrand Russell. |
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| 30 | 1964 | Edgar Snow besucht China und erhält ein Interview mit Mao Zedong und Zhou Enlai. |
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| 31 | 1964 | Paolo Vittorelli besucht China und trifft Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai und Chen Yi. | |
| 32 | 1964 | Zhou Enlai besucht Moskau und trifft Leonid Brezhnev und Nikita Khrushchev. |
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| 33 | 1965 | Yu Zhan führt ein Gespräch am Flughafen Beijing mit Zhou Enlai, Chen Yi und Alexsei Nikolayevich Kosygin. Alexei Kosygin trifft Mao Zedong. | |
| 34 | 1965 | Zhou Enlai besucht die Beerdigung von Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej in Bukarest, Rumänien. |
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| 35 | 1965.10.22 |
Letter from Zhou Enlai to Bertrand Russell. 22.20.1965. [Extract]. Zhou Enlai agrees with Russell's condemnation of U.S. imperialism for its criminal aggression in Vietnam. Zhou Enlai agrees with Russell that the chief threat to world peace is U.S. imperialism. He also comments that the struggle against U.S. imperialism is at present the key to the cause of the people of the world defending peace. |
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| 36 | 1966 | Eine Delegation der chinesischen Kommunistischen Partei unter Zhou Enlai und Yu Zhan besucht Rumänien, Albanien und Pakistan. |
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| 37 | 1966 | Besuch einer Partei- und Regierungsdelegation unter Zhou Enlai in Rumänien. |
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| 38 | 1966 |
Letter from Zhou Enlai to Bertrand Russell. 4.1.1966. [Extract]. Zhou Enlai thanks for the confidence and support Russell have shown in the Chinese government and people. Zhou Enlai praises Russell's noble efforts in opposing U.S. imperialist policies of aggression. |
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| 39 | 1969 | Zhou Enlai trifft Alexei Kosygin am Flughafen in Beijing. | |
| 40 | 1972 | Zhou Enlai hat eine Zusammenkunft mit der Schweizerischen Pressedelegation in China. |
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| 41 | 1973 | Zhou Enlai und Zhou Peiyuan treffen Max Petitpierre in China. | |
| 42 | 1973 | Gough Whitlam besucht China und trifft Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai und Deng Xiaoping. |
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| 43 | 1973 | Erste australische Handels-Delegation unter Jim Cairns nach China. Er trifft Zhou Enlai, Bai Xiangguo und Gough Whitlam. Kenneth Myer ist Miglied. |
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| 44 | 1973 | Pierre Elliott Trudeau besucht China zum 3. Geburtstag der Gründung diplomatischer Beziehungen zwischen Kanada und China. Er trifft Mao Zedong und Zhou Enlaig. | |
| 45 | 1975 | Zhou Enlai trifft im Spital Donald Willesee. | |
| 46 | 1977 | Treffen von Max Petitpierre mit Zhou Enlai in Beijing. |
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| 47 | 1997 | Zhou Enlai besucht Kanada. |
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Bibliography (3)
| # | Year | Bibliographical Data | Type / Abbreviation | Linked Data |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | 1921 |
[Flaubert, Gustave]. [Salangbo]. Zhou Enlai yi. In : Dong fang za zhi (1921). Übersetzung von Flaubert, Gustave. Salammbô. (Paris : M. Lévy, 1863). [Auszüge unter dem Titel "Comment Hamilcar a-t-il sauvé son fils"]. [Erste Übersetzung von Flaubert]. 薩郎波 |
Publication / Flau20 | |
| 2 | 1976 |
[Snow, Edgar]. Xiang nian Zhou Enlai. Sinuo, Xie Weisi deng zhu. (Xianggang : Wan yuan tu shu gong si, 1976). [Biographie]. 想念周恩來 |
Publication / Sno48 |
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| 3 | 1977 | Cheng, Yingxiang ; Cadart, Claude. Les deux morts de Mao Tsé-toung ; Commentaires pour Tian'an men l'empouprée de Hua Linshan. (Paris : Seuil, 1977). [Mao Zedong ; Zhou Enlai]. | Publication / Cad5 |
Secondary Literature (6)
| # | Year | Bibliographical Data | Type / Abbreviation | Linked Data |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | 1938 |
[Snow, Edgar]. Zhongguo de hong qu. Sinuo zhu. (Shanghai : Jiu wang chu ban she, 1938). [Geschichte China 1912-1937]. 中國的紅區 |
Publication / Sno49 |
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| 2 | 1972 | VR China : Bollwerk des Friedens : amerikanische Studenten interviewen Tschou en-Lai : am 19. Juli 1971 in Peking. Kommunistischer Jugendverband Deutschland. (Westberlin : Neuer Arbeiter-Verlag, 1972). [Zhou Enlai]. | Publication / ZhouE1 |
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| 3 | 1977 | Poésie quotidienne en Chine ; suivi de, Hommage au président Mao, La lutte politique en cours, A la mémoire du Premier ministre Chou En-lai : poèmes écrits par des ouvriers, paysans, ou soldats, publiése de 1975 à 1977. Trad. et présentés par le comité XIe-XXe de l'Association des amitiés franco-chinoises. (Paris : Association des amitiés franco-chinoises, 1977). | Publication / Ant27 |
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| 4 | 1977 | Morgenstern, Manfred. Tschou En-lai, ein Leben für die chinesische Revolution. (München : China heute, 1977). [Zhou Enlai]. | Publication / MorM1 | |
| 5 | 1984 | Wilson, Dick. Chou : the story of Zhou Enlai 1898–1976. (London : Hutchinson, 1984). | Publication / WilsD4 | |
| 6 | 1985 |
[Barnett, A. Doak]. Zhou Enlai zai Wanlong. Mei ji zhe Bao Dake ji Ya Fei hui yi ; Gong Naiwen yi. (Beijing : Zhongguo she hui ke xue chu ban she, 1985). 周恩来在万隆 |
Publication / Bar29 |
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