“The selected letters of Bertrand Russell” (Publication, 1884-1970)
Year
1884-1970
Text
Russell, Bertrand. The selected letters of Bertrand Russell. Ed. by Nicholas Griffin. Vol. 1-2. (London : Allen Lane, 1992-2001).
Vol. 1 : The private years, 1884-1914. Vol. 2 : The public years, 1914-1970. (Russ36)
Vol. 1 : The private years, 1884-1914. Vol. 2 : The public years, 1914-1970. (Russ36)
Type
Publication
Contributors (1)
Russell, Bertrand
(Trelleck, Monmouthsire 1872-1970 Plas Penrhyn bei Penrhyndeudraeth, Wales) : Philosoph, Logistiker, Mathematiker, Literaturnobelpreisträger ; Dozent Cambridge, Oxford, London, Harvard University, Chicago, Los Angeles, Beijing
Subjects
Philosophy : Europe : Great Britain
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References / Sources
Chronology Entries (15)
| # | Year | Text | Linked Data |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | 1920.12.13 |
Letter from Bertrand Russell to Clifford Allen. 2 Sui an Po Hukung, Peking, 13 Dec. 1920. Dear Allen… Dora and I have taken a house (address as above) and furnished it in Chinese style. It is very pleasant, built round a courtyard as they all are. Peking treats us as if we were married – the legation calls and asks us to dinner. It makes Dora furious to find herself respectable against her will. But she enjoys furnishing, and she is going to lecture at the University. I find the students lazy and stupid. Most of them are Bolsheviks, but they don't know what that means, and are timid and comfort-loving. The Japs of course are wicked, but I have hopes that their reformers also are vigorous, and therefore better than the Chinese. I enclose a letter from one of them who is arranging for me to lecture there next summer. Please send it to Colette. The Chinese are exceedingly cordial and make a lot of fuss about me, but one remains on terms of politeness – they are hard to get to know well. I find there are very few whom I can like. They say they are socialists but complain of foreigners for over-paying the coolies so that life becomes a little less comfortable for the rich. The Government is corrupt ; usually it takes money from the Japs and is then turned out by a revolution but succeeded by a new Government which is just as bad. I think 50 years of foreign domination is the only hope. Dora sends her love. We are very happy, though we have fits of home-sickness, but we are too busy to notice them much. |
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| 2 | 1920.12.17 |
Letter from Bertrand Russell to Ottoline Morrell. 2 Sui an Po Hutung, 17 Dec. 1920. Dearest O. … We have settled down to a regular life here, very hard working, and most of the work very futile. A great deal of lecturing (by both of us) to students who are eager and enthusiastic, but ignorant and untrained and lazy, expecting knowledge to be pumped into them without effort on their part. A good deal of writing articles in Chinese and Japanese papers. Less social life than at first, but still too much. The Europeans here are mostly old-fashioned and boring, polite to us because they are afraid of what I may say to the Chinese (the Bolsheviks are in touch with them, not very far from Peking), but of course really hating us and furious at having to condone our flouting of conventions and decencies. It makes an odd situation. The Chinese are infinitely polite and flattering, but one always feels they have secrets, and that they say things to each other of which we get no hint. However, on the whole we live a quiet life. Our house is near the walls, which are immensely broad and go all round the City (14 miles) and are said to have been built under the Ming dynasty. We walk on the walls in the afternoons, and get a wonderful view of the whole town and the Western hills. The news from home in the papers is the worst part of the day… Last night for the first time we had visitors to dinner in our house. One of them a man named Johnston, who writes on Buddhism with praise and on Christianity with censure. He finds that the missionaries still preach that every heathen 'Chinee' must go to hell, and he writes amusing blasphemies on the subject – he is a belated Voltairian. In the middle of dinner, while we were listening to these blasphemies, there was an earthquake ! So we changed the subject. I never was in an earthquake before – it was slight, and at first we each thought we were taken suddenly ill – it felt like sea-sickness. Then we saw the lights swaying about and we realized what had happened… All love. Your B. |
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| 3 | 1921.01.06 |
Letter from Bertrand Russell to Colette O'Niel. Peking, 6. Jan. 1921. My Darling Love… I don't think I shall write on China – it is a complex country, with an old civilization, very hard to fathom. In many ways I prefer the Chinese to Europeans- they are less fierce – their faults only injure China, not other nations. I have a busy life – 3 courses of lectures, a Seminar, and odd lectures – for instance today I lecture on Religion. I like the students, though they don't work hard and have not much brains. They are friendly and enthusiastic, and very open-mined. I hate most of the Europeans, because they are mostly diplomats or missionaries, both professionally engaged in trying to deceive the Chinese, with very little success. There is a man named R.F. Johnston whom I like very much – he wrote a delightful book on Buddhist China, which you would love… I get £200 a month from the Chinese, and £100 a month from the Japs for articles – so I am very well off. I try to save, but men come round with lovely Chinese things, and the money goes. Also of course furnishing costs a good deal. One lives in expectation of a revolution here, but it seems that revolutions make very little difference. There is less government in China than there ever was in Europe – it is delightful. All the gloomy things I wrote you the other day are true, but they are only one side of the picture. Chinese soldiers kill a few compatriots, other kill many foreigners, so Chinese soldiers are best. The state of the world at large makes me very unhappy. Ever since I began to hate the Bolsheviks I have felt more than ever a stranger in this planet… Bless you my Heart's Comrade. B. |
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| 4 | 1921.02.16 |
Letter from Bertrand Russell to Elizabeth Russell ; 16. Febr. 1921. My dear Elizabeth Your delicious letter of December 19 reached me yesterday, with such a lovely Candide ! Thank you 1,000 times. I am glad you liked the Bolshie book. It has involved being quarreled with by most of my friends, and praised by people I hate – e.g. Winston and Lloyd George. I have no home on this planet – China comes nearer to one than any other place I know, because the people are not ferocious. It is true that the soldiers occasionally run amok, sack a town and bayonet all who do not instantly deliver up their whole wealth. But this is such a trivial matter compared to what is done by 'civilized' nations that it seems not to count. 20 million people are starving in provinces near here, and the Chinese do nothing to relive them. But they are better than we are, because the famine is not caused deliberately by them, whereas we deliberately cause famines for the pleasure of gloating over dying children. You are quite right about the sunshine. Since I came to Peking, we have had rain once and snow 3 times, otherwise continuous sun and frost. I like the climate and am always well, but it doesn't suit Dora, who gets bronchitis. Just at the moment the weather is not at its best – there is a dust-storm from the desert of Gobi. One can't go out, and has to shut every chink of window. I am glad you noticed the whisks of my tail. I have been severely reproved by many grave persons for one which occurs on p. 130. My students here are charming people, full of fun – we have parties for them with fireworks in the courtyard, and dancing and singing and blindman's buff – young men and girl-students. In ordinary Chinese life a woman sees no men except relations, but we ignore that, and so earn the gratitude of the young. The students are all Bolshies, and think me an amiable old fogey, and hopelessly behind the times. We have a very happy existence, reading, writing, and talking endlessly. Lady Clifton lent us 'In the Mountains' which we read with great delight – she wasn't sure who it was by, but I was. I gave her a rude message to you, because you hadn’t written to me, and when I got home, there was your letter. We shall be home the end of September, unless war between Japan and U.S. delays us. Best of love, dear Elizabeth, and thanks for all the lovely things you say – Yours affectionately B.R. |
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| 5 | 1921.05.11 |
Letter from Bertrand Russell to Ottoline Morrell, German Hospital, Peking, 11 May 1921. I am now much better, indeed quite well except for a tiresome aftermath in the shape of inflammation of the vein of a leg. It doesn't hurt, but the only cure is to keep the leg absolutely motionless, so I am tied to my bed, which is boring. The Doctors say it is bound to get well soon, but it has now lasted 3 weeks. My lungs are completely healed, which is a comfort, as bad pneumonia generally leaves a weakness. My nurse, who is very religious, says my recovery is literally a miracle, only explicable by the direct interposition of Providence. I suggested to her, in Gibbonian phrase, that Provicence works through natural causes, but she rejected this view, rightly feeling that it savours of atheism. Everybody who had to do with me when I was ill is amazed that I am alive. For my part, I am astonished to find how much I love life : when I see the sun I think I might never have seen him again, and I feel 'Ugh ! it is good to be alive'. Out of my window I see great acacia trees in blossom, and think how dreadful it would have been to have never seen the spring again. Oddly enough these things come into my mind more instinctively than human things. I grow more and more like Voltaire – I have been having enemas constantly. (Dora complains that I scream for them, as he did). I have realized one ambition which I almost despaired of. I have read an obituary notice of myself. In Japan I was reported dead, and the 'Japan Chronicle' had a long article on me. My illness has not changed me in the slightest, in fact it has made hardly more impression than a bad toothache. I have missed much by not dying here, as the Chinese were going to have given me a terrific funeral in Central Park, and then bury me on an island in the Western Lake, where the greatest poets and emperors lived, died, and were buried. Probably I should have become a God. What an opportunity missed. Goodbye dearest O. Fondest love. B. |
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| 6 | 1922.01.31 |
Letter from Bertrand Russell to Ottoline Morrell. 31 Sydney Street, 31 Jan. 1922. Dearest O. … The other day Dora and I went to a Chinese feast given by the Chinese Students here. They made speeches full of delicate wit, in the style of 18th century France, with a mastery of English that quite amazed me. The Chinese Chargé d'Affaires said he had been asked to speak on Chinese Politics – he said the urgent questions were the General Election, economy and limitation of armaments – he spoke quite a long time, saying only things that might have been said in a political speech about England, and which yet were quite all right for China – when he sat down he had not committed himself to anything at all, but had suggested (without ever saying) that China's problems were worse than ours. The Chinese constantly remind me of Oscar Wilde in his first trial when he thought wit would pull one through anything, and found himself in the grip of a great machine that cared nothing for human values. I read of a Chinese General the other day, whose troops had ventured to resist a Japanese attack, so the Japanese insisted that he should apologize to their Consul. He replied that he had no uniform grand enough for such an august occasion, and therefore to his profound sorrow he must forego the pleasure of visiting a man for whom he had so high an esteem. When they nevertheless insisted, he called the same day on all the other Consuls, so that it appeared as if he were paying a mere visit of ceremony. Then all Japan raised a howl that he had insulted the Japanese nation. I would do anything in the world to help the Chinese, but it is difficult. They are like a nation of artists, with all their good and bad points. Imagine Gertler and [Augustus] John and Lytton set to govern the British Empire, and you will have some idea how China has been governed for 2000 years. Lytton is very like an old fashioned Chinaman, not at all like the modern westernized type. I must stop. All my love. Your B. |
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| 7 | 1935.06.23 |
Letter from Bertrand Russell to Reginald Bridgeman. 23 Juni 1935. Dear Bridgeman, Thank you for your letter of June 20. I feel strongly that there ought to be in England such a society as 'les Amis du people Chinois', and think you should, if possible, have, as that society has, a committee with no definite political bias. I cannot, however, sign the draft letter you enclosed, unless certain alterations are made in it… I cannot understand your policy, if you keep clause 6. The Chinese cannot resist Japan without foreign help, and any foreign help must take the form of 'interference in the internal struggle of the Chinese people'. And how can you, at one and the same time, blame Nanking for giving way to Japan, and tell Nanking that, however they may resist Japan, we won't raise a finger to help them ? I suppose your view is that, if none of the Western Powers interfere, Russia will be able to keep the Chinese Communists from being defeated by Nanking ; that is to say, you want Russia alone to 'interfere in the internal struggle of the Chinese people'. This is a natural view for a Communist, but not for any one else. For my part, I lost the desire to befriend the Chinese Government in 1927 ; it then became apparent that internal dissensions would continue to make China powerless, and the brutalities of the suppression of the Communists disgusted me. Now, however, Japan is so dangerous that I wish something could be done. Nothing can be done without American readiness to fight, and America is not at present prepared for war. When America is seriously willing to fight, perhaps something may be achieved without fighting ; till then, Japan can't be stopped unless as part of a world war in which Japan would be allied with Germany. Yours sincerely, Bertrand Russell. |
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| 8 | 1962.11.09 |
Letter from Bertrand Russell to Jawaharlal Nehru. Plas Penrhyn, 9. Nov. 1962. Dear Mr. Nehru, Our recent correspondence concerning our mutual hopes for peace in this dangerous world makes me conscious that in this time of trial for India you will with for her friends to be visible and outspoken. A count myself as a life-time friend of India and an admirer of your own efforts for peace. It is out of such feelings that I write to you now. The tragic deterioration of relations between India and China holds the most grave forebodings as I am sure you are deeply aware. I feel a sense of urgency because the general outbreak of fullscale war between India and China can not but lead to a world conflagration. I know and painfully understand the difficult choices you face. Events, however, should they advance further in this direction, will permit no return. Should this occur India's vital interests will not be served but irrevocably harmed. Should China be expansionist to the point of wishing such a conflict, every step should be taken to make such policy difficult to sustain. Should she be uncertain as to whether her claims out to be pressed at such cost and danger, every possibility of permitting this consciousness to reach the level of policy should be pursued. I feel that the offer of Chou En-Lai for cease-fire, even if at terms which entail sacrifice, should be accepted if only to enable talks to begin and fighting to cease… Should Chou En-Lai become so unreasoning as to discard any willingness to end fighting what can be in store other than great war between one-third of the world's people ? We know that general nuclear war will be soon upon us if this takes place… |
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| 9 | 1962.12.28 |
Letter from Bertrand Russell to Jawaharlal Nehru. Plas Penrhyn, 28. Dez. 1962. Private & Confidential Dear Mr. Nehru, Thank you for your letter of December 20. I find it extremely painful to be in any degree of disagreement with you. As for the material which caused my doubts, I had long interviews in London with your Deputy High Commissioner and, also, with the Chinese Chargé d'Affaires. It was quite impossible for me to know which of them, if either, was giving an accurate account of the matter. The only conclusions to which I was able to come from my talks with them supplemented by all the information that I could get hold of from the documents they each gave me as well as from other sources was that each side had a case and that it should be left to expert impartial examination to decide as to the justice of the rival claims. Apart from the rights and wrongs of the original dispute, the Chinese unilateral cease-fire and withdrawal seemed to me a generous action showing a real desire for Peace. I thought that India should have given a more welcoming response to their gesture. I think, further, that the questions of who was the first aggressor and of which of two provisional lines should be adopted during negotiations, are less important than the grave dangers involved in a long war, and both India and China will be gravely to blame if they insist upon this or that provisional line as a condition for negotiations. I have been alarmed by your public mention of a 'long war'. Such a war would be infinitely dangerous and can only be justified by considerations of 'honour' and 'prestige'. Whipping up of nationalist war-like feeling by professed disciples of Gandhi inevitably throws doubt upon the sincerity of Indian professions in past years. It is very kind of you to offer to send me the correspondence between your Government and that of China, and, if you do so, I shall read it with the utmost care. Yours sincerely, Bertrand Russell. |
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| 10 | 1963.03.19 |
Letter from Bertrand Russell to Zhou Enlai. Plas Penrhyn, 19. März 1963. Dear Mr. Chou En-Lai, I have read with interest your statements concerning the Colombo proposals and I am heartened that your Government accepts them in principle. I am anxious, however, about the difference in interpretation placed upon the proposals by Mr. Nehru and yourself. I believe that the unilateral cease-fire of your Government and the withdrawal of your forces indicates clearly the sincerity of your desire for an understanding with the Indian Government on the border question. The fact that your forces are now substantially behind the positions of September 8th, 1962, which Mr. Nehru has said earlier were the circumstances necessary for his willingness to enter talks, speaks again of Chinese sincerity. You will appreciate, therefore, that in writing to you now I do so with awareness of your efforts to solve this dispute and with sympathy for them. I believe that the issue separating your Government and that of Mr. Nehru from beginning bilateral negotiations consists of the disposition of Indian troops in the Eastern sector and of Indian civil check-points in the Western sector. I understand that China feels that the withdrawal of her troops to twenty kilometres behind the McMahon Line should not herald the advance of Indian forces into the vacated area. I also understand that China objects to Indian civil check-points in the Western sector from which Chinese troops have withdrawn. Would it not be possible to have the consistent principle apply wherein the civil authorities of both China and India could set up check-points in the vacated areas of all sectors without regard to the final determination of any part of the boundary ? Final determination would wait upon bilateral negotiations between India and China. Would it not further be possible for Madame Bandaranaike to appeal for talks to begin immediately on the ground that the differences now separating China and India, as regards the conditions for talks, are so slight as hardly to justify continued dispute ? You will understand how anxious I am that talks begin as soon as possible and in the best possible spirit and it may be that a suggestion from Madame Bandaranaike would facilitate the immediate commencement of them. I assure you I have sympathy for your efforts to settle this dispute amicably and that I shall continue to seek to facilitate this to whatever extent I am able. There is a particular point about which I should wish to seek your advice. I should be happy and anxious to have a first hand account of the Chinese feelings and Chinese advances. If it would be possible for you to invite two of my representatives to come to China, so that I might have this opportunity. I should be in your great debt. I should dearly with to come myself, but age prevents this. I hope you will not mind my asking this of you. With my warm good wishes and respect, Yours sincerely, Bertrand Russell. |
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| 11 | 1963.05.22 |
Letter from Bertrand Russell to Sirimavo Bandaranaike. Plas Penrhyn, 22. Mai 1963. Dear Madame Bandaranaike, I am very grateful for your kind letter with which I am in complete agreement. I appreciate very much your unrelenting efforts to bring about a settlement between India and China and feel honoured that I should be able to assist. I was interested to learn that Mr. Chou En-Lai has indicated that he is ready to start talks either in Peking or in New Delhi at any time. I realized that China had been calling for negotiations, but not the extent to which the position they maintained conformed to the entirety of the Colombo proposals. I am most anxious to pursue your suggestion of a further appeal to Mr. Nehru. May I ask if it would be possible for you to receive two personal representatives from me for the purpose of discussing with them how most effectively to conduct this appeal and to further the work for a settlement in the Sino-Indian dispute. It is my hope that after their discussion with you they could proceed on my behalf to New Delhi to meet with Mr. Nehru and to convey to him the appeal from me that you mention. I feel that it is in Mr. Nehru's hands to permit peace between India and China or to create, at best, a Cold War as between those two countries, the onset of a disastrous arms race, the involvement of South East Asia in the military consequences of such a contest, the intrusion of the Cold War Powers, and an end to Asian neutralism… With my warm good wishes and respect, Yours sincerely Bertrand Russell. |
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| 12 | 1963.06.05 |
Letter from Zhou Enlai to Bertrand Russell. 5.6.1963. [Zusammenfassung]. Zhou Enlai makes reference to the fact that China has successively taken a series of important measures on its own initiative in order to promote Sino-Indian negotiations. Zhou Enlai would warmly welcome Russell's personal visit to China, if health condition permits it. He comments that he would welcome the visit by Russell's representatives, and gives an outline of the steps China has taken towards securing a peaceful settlement of the Sino-Indian boundary dispute. He also pints out to Russell that facts about Tibet contained in unarmed victory are inconsistent with the historical facts. He said he had been reading a summary of 'Unarmed Victory' in Chinese. (This was presumably prepared specially for him : no Chinese translation was ever published). He seemed quite pleased with the book, which at the time was one of the few Western documents which attempted to put China's case sympathetically, though Russell made no bones about his detestation of Chinese communism or his immense respect for Nehru and the Indian policy of non-alignment. Zhou thought, that Russell had made mistakes about Tibet, the McMahon Line, and China's foreign policy. (He sent the Chinese Chargé d'Affaires to Wales to put him right). He also dismissed the differences between India and China over the Colombo proposals as unimportant matters could be resolved in negotiations. |
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| 13 | 1963.06.14 |
Letter from Bertrand Russell to Zhou Enlai. Plas Penrhyn, 14. Juni 1963. Dear Premier Chou En-lai, I am grateful to you for your instructive and generous letter to me, and I value the opportunity to send my personal associates to China. I have been deeply impressed by the initiatives that your Government has taken with a view to bringing about a settlement of the dispute between China and India, and by the fact that you have done more than has been asked of your Government by the Colombo Powers with respect, to the withdrawal of your troops in the Central and Eastern Sectors, although you were not obliged to do so by the recommendations of the Colombo Powers. I further understand that China has, in addition to releasing all military personnel, returned all captured military equipment to the Government of India. These steps, and the repeated guarantee on the part of China that negotiations between the two countries may be conducted without any assumptions as to where boundary lines and troop positions are to be placed, have impressed me with the entire sincerity of your Government in its desire to settle this dispute. I agree with you when you say that the Indian Government has failed to provide one initiative or conciliatory gesture such as might allow a friendly atmosphere and the onset of serious negotiations. I recognize, also that there is every reason to suspect the sincerity of India's professed willingness to negotiate. I suggest, however, that, assuming all this to be the case, it would be in China's interests to accept the Indian interpretation of the proposals. There would be two advantages in this course : first, that is would probe the sincerity of India's professed willingness to negotiate ; and second, that, if India proved insincere and refused to negotiate, even the habitual practice of misrepresentation by the West would not be able to conceal from world opinion that China is eager for peace, and India is not. I suggest that these considerations should outweigh your justifiable objection to Indian civilian officials in Aksai Chin. It seems to me that it would not be 'appeasement' or 'weakness' should China say that, unreasonable as it is for India to presume to suggest that there could be pre-conditions for negotiations, , China is prepared to allow these civilian posts so that India will have no further stated grounds to use as pretexts for failing to begin negotiations. I have persistently urged India to begin negotiations, first on the basis of your proposals of October 24th, then on the basis of your interpretation of the Colombo proposals. I have written to Prime Ministers Nehru and Bandaranaike and to U Thant in this sense. I have appealed to all those Indians with whom I have had association during many years. You will understand, therefore, that I have not sought to persuade only China to make concessions or have at any point envisaged impairing the position of your Government or your people. Should China state that the considers India's demands to be unreasonable in the extreme but, nonetheless, as a test of India's sincerity, will permit a certain number of Indian civilian posts in the area north of the line from which Chinese troops have withdrawn 20 kilometres in the Western Sector, there would be nothing India could do except agree to negotiate or accept exposure before the world. I am well aware of the difficulties which were imposed upon the conflict between China and India through the intrusion of the United States and Britain. It is clear to me that they are encouraging India to arm to the teeth and to harbor long-term hostilities toward China. It is largely because of this that I urge you to remove the last obstacle to negotiations. This, to my mind, is the course of strength and is not appeasement or unlimited concession. It seems to me that, should China remove every vestige of nominal Indian objections to beginning negotiations, China would both force India to come to the Conference table and release many forces within India which could then agitate for peace and understanding and agreement. Although the Colombo proposals as interpreted are weighted to India's advantage, they are, as all the participating members have pointed out, recommendations, and have only the force of suggested arrangements such as to facilitate negotiations. You yourself have pointed this out to me. It seems to me, therefore, that it would be possible for China to accede to such interpretations as India unreasonably insists upon, so that the danger of provocations or of foreign intervention or of a deteriorating situation may be avoided. I am grateful for your frankness in putting to me your view in China and Tibet, and I am taking care to study them and also your Government's position on the overall question of peace and war. With good wishes and high regard, Yours sincerely, Bertrand Russell |
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| 14 | 1963.07.29 |
Letter from Bertrand Russell to Zhou Enlai. Plas Penrhyn, 29. Juli 1963. Dear Premier Chou, My representatives have given to me a full account of their discussions with Prime Minister Nehru, Prime Minister Bandaranaike and yourself. I have been deeply interested in their reports and find myself fully informed of the discussions which occurred. They have also given to me a detailed description of their impressions of the development and advance in China since 1949. I consider the new posture of Mr. Nehru, advanced in his talks with my associates, to be very important. It is my hope that he will, as you request, confirm in writing that which he said to my associates and which he asked them to convey to you. I entirely endorse the suggestion they made to Mr. Nehru which prompted his response. I consider all those initiatives undertaken by you previously to be admirable, particularly as they occurred without such assurances in advance as are now obtainable from Mr. Nehru with respect to the hoped-for negotiations. I also have place hope in your earlier statements concerning your determination to remove any obstacles in the way of genuine negotiations. As I explained in the letter carried by my colleagues, concessions designed to probe finally the sincerity of Indian willingness to settle the dispute seemed to me to be desirable for the sake of normal relations and an end to the threat of conflict. All the more reason why the 'no man's land' formula gains in importance for the guarantee of negotiations which consider the overall issue. I remain hopeful that Mr. Nehru's response will be communicated to you and that you will, accordingly, find a way to remove such obstacles as may remain in the way of negotiations. Your representative's words to me in London that China, for her part, was prepared to forego her right to civilian posts in the area east of the line of actual control in Aksai Chin vacated by Chinese forces were important. He had further said that for China the important issue in this connection was that it was not allowable for Indian civil posts to enter the area. Consequently, the 'no man's land' connection seemed entirely reasonable and, in fact, implied by China's own weighting of the issue : namely, that while the self-denial concerning her own civil posts was conceivable, the advent of those of India was not. I approve of all that my representatives said on my behalf and consider them to have reflected my own feelings accurately and well. It is a disappointment to me that there should have been certain disagreements over minor matters with them. This is particularly so because during the past year my access to facts which made more clear and correct the attitude of your government with respect to the border conflict was made possible because of their efforts on my behalf. I need not tell you of the difficulty to form an accurate picture about China when restricted to information available in the West. I wish you to know that our concern for fair play with respect to China was greatly aided by the efforts of all my colleagues and I certainly endorse their endeavor on this occasion of their mission on my behalf. I should regret that the important matter of settlement between China and India were clouded by any irrelevant issue and, therefore, desire not to express myself on other and smaller matters. I hope you will accept my sincere appreciation for your kind gifts and the opportunity given Mr. Schoenman and Mr. Pottle to see China and to act on my behalf. With my good wishes and respect, Yours sincerely, Bertrand Russell. |
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| 15 | 1964.11.27 |
Letter from Bertrand Russell to Lyndon Johnson. Plas Penrhyn, 27. Nov. 1964. Dear Mr. President, The Vietnam crisis is one which concerns not only the citizens of the United States and of Vietnam but all human beings, since the lives of all are at stake. The American Government is hesitating (so it appears) as to whether the war should be extended to North Vietnam and to China. The war against China, if it is not nuclear, is likely to drag on inconclusively for years. It is likely that the Russians will patch up their differences with China and come to its assistance. Indeed, they have already said that they will come to the assistance of North Vietnam. It will soon become evident, in that case, that neither side can defeat the other except by employing nuclear weapons. In the heat of battle, each side will consider such employment essential. The result will be the extermination of the human race… |
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Cited by (1)
| # | Year | Bibliographical Data | Type / Abbreviation | Linked Data |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Zentralbibliothek Zürich | Organisation / ZB |
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