2004
Publication
# | Year | Text | Linked Data |
---|---|---|---|
1 | 1891-1933 |
Irving Babbitt and China : general. 1960 Harry Levin (Professor of Comparative Literature Harvard University) : Babbitt was keenly interested in Christianity, utterly fascinated by Buddhism, and probably most sympathetic to secular creeds of Confucius. 1965 Chang Hsin-hai : Early in his academic career, Babbitt demonstrated the fallacy in the fashionable 'scientific' approach to literature, pointing out that the aim in studying literature was not facts but a well-rounded and meaningful view of life. For this reason, Babbitt had extended his study in India and China, where, he felt sure, the great thinkers must have faced the same perennial questions that have baffled the Western world. He studied Buddhism and Confucianism not from idle curiosity but to find out what answers they had to offer in comparison with Western literature. He found the synthesis he preached and taught at Harvard for the rest of his life. If the young people from the Orient were attracted to Babbitt, Babbitt was certainly also attracted to the Orient. In working out his humanistic view, he felt that he was reinforced at every turn by the basic thoughts of two towering men : Buddha and Confucius. When more than ever a true understanding between East and West can well mean the survival of the human race, Babbitt's approach is tremendously important for three reasons : 1. It considers the romantic attitude towards the East, fashionable in Western scholarship from the beginning of the nineteenth century, as not only false, but also misleading and dangerous. 2. Babbitt was not interested in regarding the East and West merely as two different spheres of human experience, and, because different, incapable of mutual assistance. He realized the disparity in circumstance under which each had developed, but he found that, in the search for human values, the two sections of mankind had come to much the same conclusions. He believed that basically Christianity and Aristotelianism, on the one side, and Buddhism and Confucianism, on the other, are mutually illuminating and thus indispensable to each other. 3. In his insistence on values, Babbitt showed unusual powers of critical discrimination. Babbitt knew that the East has known as many different types of thought as the West, and he believed that the modern scholar should develop a sense of critical appraisal, and know the areas of argument for formulating a sound view of life. He found a whole trend of Rousseauistic thought in the naturalistic views of Lao-tse and Chuang-tse, which he wholly rejected. In looking at the Eastern landscape, Babbitt did not enjoy the nebulous vision of a Schopenhauer or even of an Emerson. He saw its clear, bold outlines, its mountains as well as its valleys. His fine sense of discrimination is nowhere expressed more clearly. Babbitt did not perhaps feel as much at home in Confucianism as he did in early Biddhism for the simple reason that, while he knew Pali at first hand, his knowledge of Chinese thought was derived from translations that did not adequately convey the original flavor. The patient labours of James Legge are praiseworthy, but the must have often made Babbitt and others, wonder how so apparently uninspired a doctrine could have held any people for any length of time. Why is it that, for so long a period, people not only in China, but also in Japan, in Korea, in Vietnam, and in the lands neighbouring China, willingly, without coercion have taken to the so-called 'mundane' ideas of Confucius as ducks to water ? Babbitt tried hard to answer this question. Why is it that the people who believe in Confucianism are so widely tolerant ? Hinduism, too, is tolerant, and so, for that matter, is Buddhism. But the fact that Buddhism barely enjoyed a history of 1000 years in the land of its birth, was very disturbing. If weakened by alien ideas, how is that Confucianism managed to remain unassailable through the millennia ? Buddhism itself made a mighty assault, only to find that all it succeeded in doing was to produce a Chu Hsi (died 1200), who brought Buddhism within the crucible of Confucianism. If Hegel was right, Babbitt argued, that Western man could find nothing in Confucius that had not been said. The fact was, that Confucius gave central place to an idea 'which is almost entirely absent, not only from Cicero, but also from Aristotle, who may be considered as the most important of occidental humanists – the idea, namely, of humility or of submission to the will of Heaven. For this reason, Babbitt placed Confucius in the same category as Christ, even though 'his kingdom is very much of this world'. Confucius was humble not only to the will of Heaven, Babbitt added, but also in his attitude towards the sages of old. Babbitt relied on the considered judgment of Edouard Chavannes. Babbitt felt he understood the secret of Confucius. For him, as for Confucius, the ultimate test of any sound scholarship or leadership is the character that it produces, and the strength of that character cannot be achieved without rigid self-discipline, rooted in humility and the law of measure. Babbitt understood the Confucian spirit, unfalteringly, and basically. In Buddhism, he found the answer to his deeper yearnings, combining it with Confucianism to produce the humanism he taught and lived with intellectual fervor and spiritual calm. 1974 Hou Chien : Not being a professional sinologist, Babbitt culled the Chinese only for what he could use to support his general philosophical position claimed to be founded upon universal human experience. Practically all the Chinese students who came into contact with Babbitt admired him for his scholarship and moral earnestness. This they did so no doubt also because of his championship of Confucianism. What Babbitt has to say about China and the Chinese shows that he has read more widely than the references can indicate. In both sweep of treatment and the insights into Chinese history and thinking he remains impressive. His discussion of Chinese history ranged from the time of Confucius down to the twentieth century of a China abject with confusion and subject to imminent peril. He said little about the centuries in between. He is quite correct in thinking that Confucianism is humanistic, that the Taoists are naturalistic, and that Confucianism forms the basic, orthodoxical tradition in China. Babbitt also overlooks the role these naturalists played in shaping the Chinese character. He approvingly quotes Mengzi attack on Mozi and Yang Zhu as 'leading wild beasts to devour men' in their excessive altruism and egotism. His failure to mention the yin-yang and five-element schools and others, which converged into latter-day Confucian philosophy, may be winked at as irrelevant to his argument, but the omission of Xunzi and the legalists growing out of this master, has implications that must be investigated. Since Babbitt usually behaves like an orthodox Confucian while Xunzi is often taken as a heretic, the omission should perhaps be looked upon as the result of preconceived ideas rather than ignorance. List of Chinese names in Babbitt's writings : The personages named are roughly divisible into those Babbitt approves, those he censures, and those who, as his students, have been able to advise the teacher. Of the first category are besides Confucius, Shun, Mengzi, Zhu Xi and Zeng Guofan Laozi, Zhuangzi, Mozi, Yang Zhu and Li Bo are found in the second group. In the third are Mei Guangdi, Zhang Xinhai and Guo Binhe. Shi Huangdi of Qin and Sima Qian are mentioned without much comment. Two persons are referred to without being names : Yen Hui, Confucius' favorite disciple and Han Yu, who was cited for accusing Buddha to be a barbarian. With Aristotle, Jesus, and Buddha, Confucius forms the fourth column to Babbitt's humanistic edifice. The legendary Shun is talked of once as an exemplary non-meddler. Mengzi is quoted, in addition to the charges against Mozi and Yang Zhu, on the distinction between mental and manual labor, the relationship between property and civilization, and, with concession, the great man being one who has not lost the heart of a child. Zeng Guofan is reduced to a footnote. Laozi and Zhuangzi are held up as primitivists who could have been forerunners to Rousseau and Wordsworth. The Taoists are considered 'a part of a great stream of naturalistic and primitivistic tendency' that included the pacifist altruism of Mozi and the self-love of Yang Zhu. Li Bo is consigned to the Taoist limbo of Bohemian poets. Babbitt believes the world has been plunged in confusion with the rise of naturalism. The old world is dead while the new is powerless to be born. For his humanism Babbitt posits two things : the end of all human endeavors and activities is happiness, and the only means to achieve it is character. He does not think much of human nature. Without taking recourse either to the concept of original sin or of the divine in man, but solely as a matter of experience, he sees that human nature is a mixture of the good and the evil. Babbitt's ideas are the end of life, which is happiness, the importance of character the fulfillment of that end, and the nature of human nature, which necessitates character and its formation. 1993 Aldridge, A. Owen : Irving Babbitt was celebrated for his insistence on the necessity of adhering to philosophical rigor and upholding ethical standards in national culture. Along with his personal quest for knowledge of the most positive statements of these ideals in the history of mankind, he acquired a substantial acquaintance with the religion of Buddha and the morality of Confucius. As a pioneer in the discipline of comparative literature, moreover, he sought and revealed resemblances between the great writings of the West and those of the East. Babbitt's personal connections with Chinese culture fully equaled his purely literary ones. In China, Babbitt's adherence to absolute standards counterbalanced Dewey's pragmatism, essentially the same relationship between the two personalities that was widely recognized in the United States. Babbitt's vogue among Chinese intellectuals does not fit the pattern of later imitations of Western theory, for it did not derive from a contemporary passing fad but from a personal philosophy in which Chinese students found resemblances to their own cultural traditions and which they felt might serve as a point of reference to their own cultural traditions and which they felt might serve as a point of reference in planning their nation's future. This feeling of an identity of national ideas and aspirations is the basis of Babbitt's appeal rather than any particular intellectual concept or activist program. Babbitt during one of his class sessions drew out from one of his Chinese students an awareness of this ethical-cultural bond or predisposition. Although Babbitt never visited China, he recognized a cultural bond existing between himself and Chinese civilization. During the early years of Babbitt's marriage, his wife, who had been reared in China, used 'to think him conceited because he professed to understand that country as she did not'. Probably because of his wife's influence, Babbitt's home was adorned with a good deal of Chinoiserie, including dragon designs on lampshades and on various fabrics, and landscape paintings, which he explained were 'not representative of the mountains and the rivers, but of states of mind and feelings'. The recollection of Babbitt's acquaintances are not always reliable. One affirmed that he delighted in the Chinese scrolls on his own walls, but was not known to have visited the treasures of Far Eastern paintings at the Museum of Fine-Arts Boston. Buddhism was the first aspect of Oriental civilization to attract Babbitt's attention. Although the roots of Buddhism are in India and Babbitt's devotion to this philosophy may, therefore, seem somewhat irrelevant to his association with China. Babbitt revealed that he studied both Sanskrit and Pali. He took up these languages at the Ecole des Hautes-Etudes in Paris in 1891. The influence of Confucius on Babbitt's thought came relatively late in his career. He referred in print to the Chinese sage for the first time in Rousseau and Romanticism in 1919, and subsequently in all of his writings. Besides Confucius, Babbitt referred in his works to a number of great names of Chinese tradition. Those he approved of were nearly all Confucians and those on the other side Taoists. Babbitt was still advocating a rapprochement between East and West in one of the latest of his essays, calling for some properly qualified scholar, preferably a Chinese, to compare 'Confucian humanism with Occidental humanism'. Babbitt gave Confucius a place of eminence in his thought because of the resemblance between the Chinese sage and Aristotle, and also because the former represented an ancient spiritual tradition bordering on religion, but completely devoid of the supernatural. 2004 Bai Liping : Liang Shiqiu saw Babbitt as providing a response to problems in his own country. Among the particular ways in which Babbitt influenced Liang was changing his reading habits. Previously, while studying at Qinghua College, Liang had read widely but unselectively, devoting his attention for the most part to whatever new books, whether original works or translations, happened to come his way and strike his fancy. Later he came to realize that reading should be guided in large part by discriminating judgment and purpose. Not only Liang's reading habits but also the nature of his own writing was influenced by Babbitt. Liang wrote poems and short stories that betrayed a strong attachment to sentimental romanticism. After returning to China from America, he nearly stopped composing poems and short stories. Moreover, his writing from thence forward conveyed a more balanced and historically accurate view of human nature than was characteristic of his earlier writing. Though Babbitt profoundly affected Liang's standards, it cannot be assumed that Liang's literary tastes coincided in all particulars with Babbitt's or that his understanding of Babbitt's ideas was always or in all respects accurate. Many Chinese scholars are today exploring Babbitt's work, which is becoming more widely accessible because of prominently published new translations of his books. 2004 Wu Xuezhao : One of the reasons why Babbitt showed great interest in the Orient as well as the Occident was that he looked for the constants of human nature in general as opposed to the peculiarities of time and place. He did not want to have his doctrine called the new humanism. For him, there was no new humanism. There was only the age-old opposition between naturalism (or the monistic merging of God, man, and nature, with its consequent denial of a higher law) and humanism. According to the latter, man has a distinct and unique nature. He is a mysterious being in whom the material and spiritual meet, who is responsible to a law superior to his 'ordinary' self, a law which he must discover, a higher will to which he must learn to attune his inclinations. Babbitt did not quarrel with established religion for interpreting this higher will in special doctrinal ways derived from revelation. On the contrary, he looked to religion for support of humanism. And if, as a philosopher, he felt he could interpret the higher will only as known in actual human experience, as a veto power and sense of higher purpose, he pointed to it as proof of a dualism within the human self without which there can be no genuine religion. 2004 Zhu Shoutong : Babbitt's humanism has great spiritual, moral, and philosophical depth. If properly reintroduced into China, it could have an immense positive impact on the development of Chinese life. Partly because of the misfortunes, Babbitt's humanism has not gained the niche in the temple of Chinese culture that it deserves and may yet achieve. Fortunately, there are substantial signs that a revival of interest in Babbitt is now well underway in China. Writings by and about Babbitt or related to his ideas are appearing widely. A number of prominent Chinese cholars, working in some cases in cooperation with Western counterparts, are preparing the ground for a major and systematic reexamination of Babbitt's work. Liang Shiqiu's efforts marked the end of the relative obscurity of Babbitt's ideas in China among intellectuals of modernist leanings. But Liang's use of Babbitt's ideas and reputation in his widely followed tit-for-tat struggle with Lu Xun, brought for Babbitt something worse than obscurity – namely, widespread demonization. Xue heng's use of classical Chinese in elucidating Babbitt had impeded the spread of his ideas, and it had also protected Babbitt from criticism. By drawing Babbitt into his own quarrels, Liang, who had been quick to blame the Xu cheng conservatives, inflicted on Babbitt's reputation in China a damage that would prove substantial and enduring. Although Lu Xun criticized Babbitt with biting sarcasm, he was seldom concerned with the latter's actual ideas. Lu Xun complained, that the ideas of Western thinkers such as Babbitt and John Dewey were being filtered through the interpretations of their Chinese advocates and possibly distorted rather than being allowed to stand for themselves in accurate Chinese translation. |
|
2 | 1924 |
[Rousseau, Jean-Jacques]. Aimi'er. Wei Zhaoji yi. Übersetzung von Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. Emile, ou, De l'éducation. [ID D20472]. Wei Zhaoji who introduced Emile in the preface to a Chinese audience, commented that Rousseau's idea of 'returning to nature' not only had brought major changes in eighteenth-century Europe, but that it had offered similarly 'far-reaching inspirations for China in the twentieth century'. Yet though praising Books I through IV of Emile, in which Rousseau expounded his views on how a boy's character should be molded from infancy through early manhood, Wei denounced Book V, in which Rousseau advocated a different form of education for young women. Rousseau's beliefs concerning the education of women, Wei wrote, 'lacked thoroughness and did not acknowledge women's character'. He added that the spirit of Book V, with its unequal treatment of the sexes, was 'contradictory to that of the previous four books', which 'showed reverence for humankind. |
|
3 | 1924-1925 | Liang Shiqiu took Irving Babbitt's course on 'Literary criticism after the sixteenth century'. Liang decided to take the course not because he admired the renowned teacher but because he intended to challenge him. At first Liang found Babbitt's opinions hard to accept as they were completely different from his own, but after reading Babbitt's books and attending his lectures, Liang's opinions changed dramatically. 'From and extreme romanticist', he later recalls (1957), 'I changed to a stance which is more or less close to classicism'. | |
4 | 1924-1925 |
Mei Guangdi is Instructor of Chinese at Harvard University. After reading Irving Babbitt's works, Mei came to think of Babbitt as a modern saint, and this fired his determination to become one of Babbitt's students. |
|
5 | 1926 |
Liang, Shiqiu. Luosu lun nü zi jiao yu [ID D28832]. Irving Babbitt devoted much effort to criticizing Rousseau, viewing him as the precursor of an excessive form of romanticism. After embracing much of Babbitt's thought, Liang Shiqiu began a reassessment of Rousseau, whom he previously had admired greatly. Liang held that the preponderance of Rousseau's influence was pernicious. The only aspect of Rousseau's writings in which Liang saw any merit at all was Book V of Emile [ID D20472]. Liang argued that 'there was nothing correct in the part in which Rousseau talked about the education of boys, but his discussion on women's education was surely accurate. According to Liang, Book V was thorough, but more importantly, in acknowledging differences between men and women, it reflected the profound differences between men and women, it reflected the profound differences that exist among human beings in general, not only between the two sexes but also among different man and among different women. Since the interests and aptitudes of individuals and groups very, Liang held, it is a fitting reflection of human character that differences among those to be taught be accommodated by differing forms of education. |
|
6 | 1926 |
Liang, Shiqiu. Bailun yu lang man zhu yi [ID D28833]. Liang lauded Rousseau as 'the pioneer of the French revolution' and 'the ancestor of the romantic movement in the whole of Europe'. The mission of Rousseau, Liang declared, was to 'get rid of the fetters on the human spirit and to help people acquire the freedom to develop themselves without restraint'. He also praised Byron, saying that his ideas represented 'universal human liberal thought' and that his poems symbolized 'the holiest earth-shaking outcry of humankind'. He added that no romantic poet could surpass Byron in poetic self-expression and that, in spirit, Byron was 'equal to Goethe'. |
|
7 | 1926 |
Liang, Shiqiu. Xian dai Zhongguo wen xue zhi lang man de qu shi [ID D28851]. "The most obvious way in which China is invaded by foreign literature is through the translation of foreign works. Translation is a mainstay of the New literature movement. But the translated literature always exhibits romantic characteristics – translators do not adopt a rational and discriminating attitude towards foreign works to be translated, and their selection is not guided by principle or by a certain purpose but by whim. They try to translate whatever strikes their fancy, and as a result foreign works of the third or fourth rank have been introduced into China and cherished as a most valuable treasure and have been imitated enthusiastically." Liang applied key insights of Irving Babbitt's to an analysis of the prevalent direction of early twentieth-century Chinese literature. Expressing views that are plainly traceable to Babbitt, Liang took sharp issue with certain romantic tendencies that had come to the fore in China as part of the 'New literature movement', among them an impressionism that called for a 'return to nature' and an uncritical extolling of foreignness and originality for their own sage. In what would become one of his most persistent themes, Liang stressed that, rather than self-indulgence, great literature should express what he termed 'universal human nature'. |
|
8 | 1926 |
Liang, Shiqiu. Wen xue pi ping bian [ID D28852]. "The circumstances and attitudes of humans very, but human nature is universal, and the quality of literature is immutable. Therefore great literary works can survive the test of time and space. The Iliad is still read and Shakespeare's plays are still performed, because universal human nature is the basis of all great works – thus the quality of literary works, regardless of the time of composition or the country of origin, can be evaluated according to a stable standard." |
|
9 | 1928 |
Liang, Shiqiu. Wang'erde de wei mei zhu yi [ID D27721]. Liang appraised Oscar Wilde, who had previously been his favorite writer, from a new perspective. He maintained that Wilde pursued 'absolute independence of the arts', in which the latter not only were isolated from the ordinary audience, but were also divorced from 'universal and common human nature'. This essay indicates that Liang had divorced himself from romanticism. |
|
10 | 1928 |
Ye, Lingfeng. Abola yu Ailüqisi de qing shu [ID D14244]. [Advertisement for Lettres d'Héloïse et d'Abailard ; transl. by Liang Shiqiu. In : Xin yue ; vol. 1, no 7 (1928). "This is a love story which happened 800 years ago. A nun and a monk have written a bundle of love letters. No love letters, whether in China or in a foreign country, are more grief-stricken, more sadly touching and more sublime than those found in this volume. The beautiful and ingenious lines have become popular quotations of lovers in later generations, showing the greatness of their influence. The most admirable point is that there is nothing frivolous in these poems, and the translator considers this anthology a 'transcendent and holy' masterpiece." |
|
11 | 1928 |
Lu, Xun. Wen xue de jie ji xing [ID D28834]. Liang cited Shakespeare's Macbethas a great literary work, notwithstanding that class differences were of minor importance in the portrayal of the main characters and for interpreting the play. He asserted that 'class nature is only a superficial phenomenon' and that 'the essence of literature is the expressing of human nature'. |
|
12 | 1932 |
[Strindberg, August]. Jie hun ji. Liang Shiqiu yi. [ID D14325]. Liang's translation is based on Thomas Seltzer's English version. The original has nineteen short stories, of which Liang chose to translate nine. Liang did not wholly agree with Strindberg, particularly not with his antipathy towards women, yet he thought that much that Strindberg revealed about marriage was real. People should get rid of escapist, romantic expectations of marriage and courageously assume their responsibilities. |
|
13 | 1932 |
[Eliot, George]. Zhi gong Ma'nan zhuan. Liang Shiqiu yi. [ID D14330]. In the preface Liang said : "Eliot does not write novels only to entertain people, but completely devotes herself to very book she writes". In the edition Taipei : Jiu ge, 1988 he writes : "In the story, there are rich people as well as hard-working laborers, but its main point is not to describe the class conflict, but to elaborate human nature. This is an English novel written more than 120 years ago, and this is an old translation done more than 50 years ago. Now that the novel is offered to the readers again, it has lost none of its significance, as human nature is universal and eternal." Bai Liping : Liang chose to translate Silas Marner partly because he thought the novel reflected the moral seriousness of the British nationality. Liang believed that in this respect British nationality was different from that of southern Europe ; the latter in his view, tended toward frivolousness. Liang observed that there were few depictions of lewdness in Silas Marner. Only one sentence was used to narrate how a pair of lovers move from getting acquainted to engaging in physical love. "If the writer of this novel had been a Frenchman", he wrote, "this part of the story probably would have covered several chapters and would have been told in great detail." |
|
14 | 1933 |
Liang, Shiqiu. [The heritage of literature]. [ID D28854]. Liang said, that it was wrong to conclude that Shakespeare was in favor of the bourgeoisie because of some contemptuous statements by aristocrats about the common people in Shakespeare's plays. He argued that, since there were many expressions of sympathy for poor people in Shakespeare's works, it would be just as easy to prove that Shakespeare is a 'proletarian writer'. |
|
15 | 1957 |
Liang, Shiqiu. Guan yu Baibide xian sheng ji qi. [ID D28821]. "The often celebrated idea of 'élan vital' (vital impulse) in Bergson's philosophy is, according to Irving Babbitt, not worth mentioning. 'Elan vital' should give way to 'frein vital (vital control). To do a thing would require strength, but to refrain oneself from doing something would require greater strength. This kind of attitude seems very compatible with what Confucians called 'Refrain oneself and return to the ritual' (ge ji fu li)." "Though Babbitt has been said not to have shed his puritan thinking, I must say that he retained a great deal of elements of stoicism. I translated Marcus Aurelius' Meditations a few years ago because, inspired by Babbitt's implicit instruction, I wished to express my infinite respect for this great stoic philosopher." "When Xue heng was started, I was still a university student, one who was swept up in the wave of so-called modern thought. At that time I had a negative reaction after reading Xue heng, in which the classical Chinese characters scrawled all over the paper kept people from further probing into its content. In this way, Babbitt and his thought were cold-shouldered in China." "Those people like Lu Xun had never read Babbitt, Lu Xun could never understand Babbitt. Hou Chien : Starting out as a romantic and nationalist, Liang Shiqiu recalls that he went to Babbitt's class with an ax to grind. He went as a challenger but came out a convert to Babbittian classicism. He said nothing at all about Babbitt's Chinese scholarship, though in a private communication. Liang thinks that, in his respect for and promotion of classicism, and in his emphasis on reason, Babbitt shows an affinity of Confucian thinking. Liang does point out, though that Babbitt, in his insistence on the dualistic view of human nature, is inclined to say nothing about the Confucian creed of a human nature innately good. Bai Liping : Liang wrote about Babbitt's conception of three possible levels of human life : naturalistic, humanistic, and religious. Liang argued that the naturalistic life, though in a sense inevitable, should be subject to balance and restraint ; the life maintaining truly human nature is what we should always try to attain ; the religious way of life is, of course, the most sublime, but, being also the most difficult and beyond the realistic capability of most people, should not serve as an excuse for the latter to live life less than fully at the humanistic level. Liang remarked that Babbitt's New humanism was considered by many Americans to be 'reactionary, fogeyish, and impractical' and to have had a limited influence during his lifetime'. |
|
16 | 1961 |
[Babbitt, Irving]. [Luosu yu lang man zhu yi]. Liang Shiqiu yi. [ID D28849]. In his preface Liang wrote : "When thirty years ago, as a student of Mr. Babbitt, the translator read this book, he could only form a general idea of it and could not understand it fully. Today, after translating this section of the book, I admire his extensive knowledge and profound scholarhip even more. The original is trenchant and well documented. It is a pity that the translator is not sufficiently capable to convey all this." |
|
17 | 1985 |
Liang, Shiqiu. Ying xiang wo de ji ben shu [ID D28850]. Liang writes : "Irving Babbitt does not sermonize, he does not have dogmas, but only sticks to one attitude – that of sanity and dignity". |
|
18 | 1989 |
Liang, Shiqiu. Liang Shiqiu wen xue hui yi lu. Chen Zishan bian. (Changsha : Yue lu shu she, 1989). (Feng huang cong shu). 梁实秋文学回忆录 Liang Shiqiu schreibt im Vorwort : "I have been greatly influenced by Irving Babbitt. He led me to the road of harmony and prudence". |
|
19 | 1997 |
[Marx, Karl]. Shashibiya lun jin qian. Liang Shiqiu yi. [ID D28855]. "The text The power of money by Marx contains significant insight, and I think that there are two points worthy of attention : 1) Shakespeare is a great artist, and one aspect of his greatness is that his works to not belong to any class and that they comprise all humankind from emerpors and aristocrats to the common people. People who say that Shakespeare is a bourgeois artist should read Shakespeare and then read the text by Mars. 2) Shakespeare is not a writer of a certain party or group. Rather, his art is to use a mirror to reflect human nature." |
|
20 | 1999 |
Liang, Shiqiu. Ya she yi wen. Yu Guangzhong, Chen Zishan deng bian. (Beijing : Zhongguo you yi chu ban gong si, 1999). 雅舍轶文 [Original-Datum nicht gefunden]. [Enthält] : Liang, Shiqiu. Letter to Mrs. Fang Rennian. "Professor [Iving] Babbitt and Professor [Paul Elmer] More have had the greatest influence upon me, and I have read all of their works. |
# | Year | Bibliographical Data | Type / Abbreviation | Linked Data |
---|---|---|---|---|
1 | 1926 | Liang, Shiqiu. Luosu lun nü zi jiao yu. In : Chen bao fu juan ; Dec. 15 (1926). [Rousseau on women's education]. | Publication / Babb34 | |
2 | 1926 | Liang, Shiqiu. Bailun yu lang man zhu yi. In : Chuang zao yue kan ; vol. 1, no 3-4 (1926). [Byron and romanticism]. | Publication / Babb38 | |
3 | 1926 |
Liang, Shiqiu. Xian dai Zhongguo wen xue zhi lang man de qu shi. In : Chen bao fu juan ; March 25, 27, 29, 31 (1926). In : Lu Xun Liang Shiqiu lun zhan shi lu [ID D28834]. [The romantic tendency of modern Chinese literature]. [Erwähnung von Irving Babbitt]. 梁实秋. 现代中国文学之浪漫的趋势 |
Publication / Babb42 | |
4 | 1926 |
Liang, Shiqiu. Wen xue pi ping bian. In : Chen bao fu juan ; Oct. 27-28 (1926). In : Lu Xun Liang Shiqiu lun zhan shi lu [ID D28834]. [On literary criticism]. [Erwähnung von William Shakespeare]. 文学批评辩 |
Publication / Babb43 | |
5 | 1928 |
[Abélard, Pierre]. Abola yu Ailüqisi de qing shu. Peter Abelard zhu ; Liang Shiqiu yi. In : Xin Yue ; vol. 1, no 8 (Oct. 10 1928). = (Shanghai : Shang wu yin shu guan, 1935). (Shi jie wen xue ming zhu). Übersetzung von Lettres d'Héloïse et d'Abailard. Ed. ornée de huit figures gravées par les meilleurs artistes de Paris, d'après les dessins et sous la direction de Moreau le jeune. Vol. 1-3. (Paris : J.B. Fournier, 1796). 阿柏拉興哀綠绮思的情書 |
Publication / Aba1 |
|
6 | 1928 |
Lu, Xun. Wen xue de jie ji xing. In : Yu si ; Aug. 20 (1928). In : Lu Xun Liang Shiqiu lun zhan shi lu [ID D28834]. [Literature and class nature]. [Erwähnung von William Shakespeare]. 文学的阶级性 |
Publication / Babb44 | |
7 | 1933 |
Liang, Shiqiu. Wen xue yi chan. In : Yi shi bao, wen xue zhou kan ; no 51, Nov. 18 (Tianjin 1933). In : Lu Xun Liang Shiqiu lun zhan shi lu [ID D28834]. [The heritage of literature]. [Erwähnung von William Shakespeare]. 文学遗产 |
Publication / Babb45 | |
8 | 1961 |
[Babbitt, Irving]. [Luosu yu lang man zhu yi]. Liang Shiqiu yi. Übersetzung des 5. Kap. von Babbitt, Irving. Rousseau and romanticism [ID D28808]. In : Meiguo wen xue pi ping xuan [ID D29006]. 卢梭与浪漫主义 |
Publication / Babb41 | |
9 | 1985 |
Liang, Shiqiu. Ying xiang wo de ji ben shu. In : Ya she san wen. Taipei : Jiu ge chu ban she, 1985). (Jiu ge wen ku ; 167). [Several books that influence me ; Erwähnung von Irving Babbitt]. 影响我的几本书 |
Publication / Babb49 | |
10 | 1997 |
Lu Xun Liang Shiqiu lun zhan shi lu. Li Zhao bian. (Beijing : Hua ling chu ban she, 1997). 鲁迅梁实秋论战实录 |
Publication / Babb39 | |
11 | 1997 |
[Marx, Karl]. Shashibiya lun jin qian. Liang Shiqiu yi. In : Lu Xun Liang Shiqiu lun zhan shi lu [ID D28834]. [Shakespeare on money]. 莎士比亚论金钱 |
Publication / Babb46 |
# | Year | Bibliographical Data | Type / Abbreviation | Linked Data |
---|---|---|---|---|
1 | 2000- | Asien-Orient-Institut Universität Zürich | Organisation / AOI |
|