# | Year | Text | Linked Data |
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1 | 1779 |
Gibbon, Edward. A vindication of some passages in the fifteenth and sixteenth chapters of the History of the decline and fall of the Roman empire [ID D26762]. Quellen : Joseph de Guignes, Joseph-Anne-Marie de Moyriac de Mailla, Jean-Baptiste Du Halde, Antoine Gaubil. Chapter 35 : Invasion by Attila. Pt. 2. The invasion of Gaul was preceded, and justified, by a formal demand of the princess Honoria, with a just and equal share of the Imperial patrimony. His predecessors, the ancient Tanjous, had often addressed, in the same hostile and peremptory manner, the daughters of China; and the pretensions of Attila were not less offensive to the majesty of Rome. Note 48 : Machinis constructis, omnibusque tormentorum generibus adhibitis. Jornandes, c. 42, p. 673. In the thirteenth century, the Moguls battered the cities of China with large engines, constructed by the Mahometans or Christians in their service, which threw stones from 150 to 300 pounds weight. In the defence of their country, the Chinese used gunpowder, and even bombs, above a hundred years before they were known in Europe; yet even those celestial, or infernal, arms were insufficient to protect a pusillanimous nation. See Gaubil. Hist. des Mongous, p. 70, 71, 155, 157, &c. Chapter 30 : Revolt of the Goths. Pt. 3. The fears of Honorius were not without foundation, nor were his precautions without effect. While Italy rejoiced in her deliverance from the Goths, a furious tempest was excited among the nations of Germany, who yielded to the irresistible impulse that appears to have been gradually communicated from the eastern extremity of the continent of Asia. The Chinese annals, as they have been interpreted by the earned industry of the present age, may be usefully applied to reveal the secret and remote causes of the fall of the Roman empire. The extensive territory to the north of the great wall was possessed, after the flight of the Huns, by the victorious Sienpi, who were sometimes broken into independent tribes, and sometimes reunited under a supreme chief; till at length, styling themselves Topa, or masters of the earth, they acquired a more solid consistence, and a more formidable power. The Topa soon compelled the pastoral nations of the eastern desert to acknowledge the superiority of their arms; they invaded China in a period of weakness and intestine discord; and these fortunate Tartars, adopting the laws and manners of the vanquished people, founded an Imperial dynasty, which reigned near one hundred and sixty years over the northern provinces of the monarchy. Some generations before they ascended the throne of China, one of the Topa princes had enlisted in his cavalry a slave of the name of Moko, renowned for his valor, but who was tempted, by the fear of punishment, to desert his standard, and to range the desert at the head of a hundred followers. This gang of robbers and outlaws swelled into a camp, a tribe, a numerous people, distinguished by the appellation of Geougen; and their hereditary chieftains, the posterity of Moko the slave, assumed their rank among the Scythian monarchs. The youth of Toulun, the greatest of his descendants, was exercised by those misfortunes which are the school of heroes. He bravely struggled with adversity, broke the imperious yoke of the Topa, and became the legislator of his nation, and the conqueror of Tartary. His troops were distributed into regular bands of a hundred and of a thousand men; cowards were stoned to death; the most splendid honors were proposed as the reward of valor; and Toulun, who had knowledge enough to despise the learning of China, adopted only such arts and institutions as were favorable to the military spirit of his government. His tents, which he removed in the winter season to a more southern latitude, were pitched, during the summer, on the fruitful banks of the Selinga. His conquests stretched from Corea far beyond the River Irtish. He vanquished, in the country to the north of the Caspian Sea, the nation of the Huns; and the new title of Khan, or Cagan, expressed the fame and power which he derived from this memorable victory. (64) The chain of events is interrupted, or rather is concealed, as it passes from the Volga to the Vistula, through the dark interval which separates the extreme limits of the Chinese, and of the Roman, geography. Note 64 : (See M. de Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 179 - 189, tom ii p. 295, 334 – 338). Chapter 38 : Reign of Clovis. Pt. 6. 2. The Romans were ignorant of the extent of their danger, and the number of their enemies. Beyond the Rhine and Danube, the northern countries of Europe and Asia were filled with innumerable tribes of hunters and shepherds, poor, voracious, and turbulent; bold in arms, and impatient to ravish the fruits of industry. The Barbarian world was agitated by the rapid impulse of war; and the peace of Gaul or Italy was shaken by the distant revolutions of China. The Huns, who fled before a victorious enemy, directed their march towards the West; and the torrent was swelled by the gradual accession of captives and allies. The flying tribes who yielded to the Huns assumed in their turn the spirit of conquest; the endless column of Barbarians pressed on the Roman empire with accumulated weight; and, if the foremost were destroyed, the vacant space was instantly replenished by new assailants 3 : Cold, poverty, and a life of danger and fatigue, fortify the strength and courage of Barbarians. In every age they have oppressed the polite and peaceful nations of China, India, and Persia, who neglected, and still neglect, to counterbalance these natural powers by the resources of military art. Note 6 : The French and English editors of the Genealogical History of the Tartars have subjoined a curious, though imperfect description of their present state. We might question the independence of the Caimucks, or Eluths, since they have been recently vanquished by the Chinese, who, in the year 1759, subdued the lesser Bucharia, and advanced into the country of Badakshan, near the sources of the Oxus (Mémoires sur les Chinois, tom. i. p. 325-400). But these conquests are precarious, nor will I venture to ensure the safety of the Chinese empire. Chapter 40 : Reign of Justinian. Pt. 3. I need not explain that silk (61) is originally spun from the bowels of a caterpillar, and that it composes the golden tomb, from whence a worm emerges in the form of a butterfly. Till the reign of Justinian, the silk- worm who feed on the leaves of the white mulberry-tree were confined to China; those of the pine, the oak, and the ash, were common in the forests both of Asia and Europe; but as their education is more difficult, and their produce more uncertain, they were generally neglected, except in the little island of Ceos, near the coast of Attica. A thin gauze was procured from their webs, and this Cean manufacture, the invention of a woman, for female use, was long admired both in the East and at Rome. Whatever suspicions may be raised by the garments of the Medes and Assyrians, Virgil is the most ancient writer, who expressly mentions the soft wool which was combed from the trees of the Seres or Chinese; and this natural error, less marvellous than the truth, was slowly corrected by the knowledge of a valuable insect, the first artificer of the luxury of nations. That rare and elegant luxury was censured, in the reign of Tiberius, by the gravest of the Romans; and Pliny, in affected though forcible language, has condemned the thirst of gain, which explores the last confines of the earth, for the pernicious purpose of exposing to the public eye naked draperies and transparent matrons. A dress which showed the turn of the limbs, and color of the skin, might gratify vanity, or provoke desire; the silks which had been closely woven in China were sometimes unravelled by the Phoenician women, and the precious materials were multiplied by a looser texture, and the intermixture of linen threads... A valuable merchandise of small bulk is capable of defraying the expense of land-carriage; and the caravans traversed the whole latitude of Asia in two hundred and forty-three days from the Chinese Ocean to the sea-coast of Syria. Silk was immediately delivered to the Romans by the Persian merchants, who frequented the fairs of Armenia and Nisibis; but this trade, which in the intervals of truce was oppressed by avarice and jealousy, was totally interrupted by the long wars of the rival monarchies. The great king might proudly number Sogdiana, and even Serica, among the provinces of his empire; but his real dominion was bounded by the Oxus and his useful intercourse with the Sogdoites, beyond the river, depended on the pleasure of their conquerors, the white Huns, and the Turks, who successively reigned over that industrious people. Yet the most savage dominion has not extirpated the seeds of agriculture and commerce, in a region which is celebrated as one of the four gardens of Asia; the cities of Samarcand and Bochara are advantageously seated for the exchange of its various productions; and their merchants purchased from the Chinese, (68) the raw or manufactured silk which they transported into Persia for the use of the Roman empire. In the vain capital of China, the Sogdian caravans were entertained as the suppliant embassies of tributary kingdoms, and if they returned in safety, the bold adventure was rewarded with exorbitant gain. But the difficult and perilous march from Samarcand to the first town of Shensi, could not be performed in less than sixty, eighty, or one hundred days: as soon as they had passed the Jaxartes they entered the desert; and the wandering hordes, unless they are restrained by armies and garrisons, have always considered the citizen and the traveller as the objects of lawful rapine. To escape the Tartar robbers, and the tyrants of Persia, the silk caravans explored a more southern road; they traversed the mountains of Thibet, descended the streams of the Ganges or the Indus, and patiently expected, in the ports of Guzerat and Malabar, the annual fleets of the West. (69) But the dangers of the desert were found less intolerable than toil, hunger, and the loss of time; the attempt was seldom renewed, and the only European who has passed that unfrequented way, applauds his own diligence, that, in nine months after his departure from Pekin, he reached the mouth of the Indus. The ocean, however, was open to the free communication of mankind. From the great river to the tropic of Cancer, the provinces of China were subdued and civilized by the emperors of the North; they were filled about the time of the Christian aera with cities and men, mulberry- trees and their precious inhabitants; and if the Chinese, with the knowledge of the compass, had possessed the genius of the Greeks or Phoenicians, they might have spread their discoveries over the southern hemisphere. I am not qualified to examine, and I am not disposed to believe, their distant voyages to the Persian Gulf, or the Cape of Good Hope; but their ancestors might equal the labors and success of the present race, and the sphere of their navigation might extend from the Isles of Japan to the Straits of Malacca, the pillars, if we may apply that name, of an Oriental Hercules. (70) Without losing sight of land, they might sail along the coast to the extreme promontory of Achin, which is annually visited by ten or twelve ships laden with the productions, the manufactures, and even the artificers of China; the Island of Sumatra and the opposite peninsula are faintly delineated as the regions of gold and silver; and the trading cities named in the geography of Ptolemy may indicate, that this wealth was not solely derived from the mines. The direct interval between Sumatra and Ceylon is about three hundred leagues: the Chinese and Indian navigators were conducted by the flight of birds and periodical winds; and the ocean might be securely traversed in square-built ships, which, instead of iron, were sewed together with the strong thread of the cocoanut. Ceylon, Serendib, or Taprobana, was divided between two hostile princes; one of whom possessed the mountains, the elephants, and the luminous carbuncle, and the other enjoyed the more solid riches of domestic industry, foreign trade, and the capacious harbor of Trinquemale, which received and dismissed the fleets of the East and West. In this hospitable isle, at an equal distance (as it was computed) from their respective countries, the silk merchants of China, who had collected in their voyages aloes, cloves, nutmeg, and sandal wood, maintained a free and beneficial commerce with the inhabitants of the Persian Gulf. The subjects of the great king exalted, without a rival, his power and magnificence: and the Roman, who confounded their vanity by comparing his paltry coin with a gold medal of the emperor Anastasius, had sailed to Ceylon, in an Aethiopian ship, as a simple passenger. As silk became of indispensable use, the emperor Justinian saw with concern that the Persians had occupied by land and sea the monopoly of this important supply, and that the wealth of his subjects was continually drained by a nation of enemies and idolaters. An active government would have restored the trade of Egypt and the navigation of the Red Sea, which had decayed with the prosperity of the empire; and the Roman vessels might have sailed, for the purchase of silk, to the ports of Ceylon, of Malacca, or even of China. Justinian embraced a more humble expedient, and solicited the aid of his Christian allies, the Aethiopians of Abyssinia, who had recently acquired the arts of navigation, the spirit of trade, and the seaport of Adulis, still decorated with the trophies of a Grecian conqueror. Along the African coast, they penetrated to the equator in search of gold, emeralds, and aromatics; but they wisely declined an unequal competition, in which they must be always prevented by the vicinity of the Persians to the markets of India; and the emperor submitted to the disappointment, till his wishes were gratified by an unexpected event. The gospel had been preached to the Indians: a bishop already governed the Christians of St. Thomas on the pepper-coast of Malabar; a church was planted in Ceylon, and the missionaries pursued the footsteps of commerce to the extremities of Asia. Two Persian monks had long resided in China, perhaps in the royal city of Nankin, the seat of a monarch addicted to foreign superstitions, and who actually received an embassy from the Isle of Ceylon. Amidst their pious occupations, they viewed with a curious eye the common dress of the Chinese, the manufactures of silk, and the myriads of silk-worms, whose education (either on trees or in houses) had once been considered as the labor of queens. (75)They soon discovered that it was impracticable to transport the short-lived insect, but that in the eggs a numerous progeny might be preserved and multiplied in a distant climate. Religion or interest had more power over the Persian monks than the love of their country: after a long journey, they arrived at Constantinople, imparted their project to the emperor, and were liberally encouraged by the gifts and promises of Justinian. To the historians of that prince, a campaign at the foot of Mount Caucasus has seemed more deserving of a minute relation than the labors of these missionaries of commerce, who again entered China, deceived a jealous people by concealing the eggs of the silk-worm in a hollow cane, and returned in triumph with the spoils of the East. Under their direction, the eggs were hatched at the proper season by the artificial heat of dung; the worms were fed with mulberry leaves; they lived and labored in a foreign climate; a sufficient number of butterflies was saved to propagate the race, and trees were planted to supply the nourishment of the rising generations. Experience and reflection corrected the errors of a new attempt, and the Sogdoite ambassadors acknowledged, in the succeeding reign, that the Romans were not inferior to the natives of China in the education of the insects, and the manufactures of silk, (76) in which both China and Constantinople have been surpassed by the industry of modern Europe. I am not insensible of the benefits of elegant luxury; yet I reflect with some pain, that if the importers of silk had introduced the art of printing, already practised by the Chinese, the comedies of Menander and the entire decads of Livy would have been perpetuated in the editions of the sixth century. A larger view of the globe might at least have promoted the improvement of speculative science, but the Christian geography was forcibly extracted from texts of Scripture, and the study of nature was the surest symptom of an unbelieving mind. The orthodox faith confined the habitable world to one temperate zone, and represented the earth as an oblong surface, four hundred days' journey in length, two hundred in breadth, encompassed by the ocean, and covered by the solid crystal of the firmament... Note 61 In the history of insects (far more wonderful than Ovid's Metamorphoses) the silk-worm holds a conspicuous place. The bombyx of the Isle of Ceos, as described by Pliny, (Hist. Natur. xi. 26, 27, with the notes of the two learned Jesuits, Hardouin and Brotier,) may be illustrated by a similar species in China, (Memoires sur les Chinois, tom. ii. p. 575 - 598;) but our silk-worm, as well as the white mulberry-tree, were unknown to Theophrastus and Pliny. Note 68 The blind admiration of the Jesuits confounds the different periods of the Chinese history. They are more critically distinguished by M. de Guignes, (Hist. des Huns, tom. i. part i. in the Tables, part ii. in the Geography. Memoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxxii. xxxvi. xlii. xliii.,) who discovers the gradual progress of the truth of the annals and the extent of the monarchy, till the Christian aera. He has searched, with a curious eye, the connections of the Chinese with the nations of the West; but these connections are slight, casual, and obscure; nor did the Romans entertain a suspicion that the Seres or Sinae possessed an empire not inferior to their own. Note 69 The roads from China to Persia and Hindostan may be investigated in the relations of Hackluyt and Thevenot, the ambassadors of Sharokh, Anthony Jenkinson, the Pere Greuber, &c. See likewise Hanway's Travels, vol. i. p. 345 - 357. A communication through Thibet has been lately explored by the English sovereigns of Bengal. Note 70 For the Chinese navigation to Malacca and Achin, perhaps to Ceylon, see Renaudot, (on the two Mahometan Travellers, p. 8 - 11, 13 - 17, 141 - 157;) Dampier, (vol. ii. p. 136;) the Hist. Philosophique des deux Indes, (tom. i. p. 98,) and Hist. Generale des Voyages, (tom. vi. p. 201.) Note 75 The invention, manufacture, and general use of silk in China, may be seen in Duhalde, (Description Generale de la Chine, tom. ii. p. 165, 205 - 223.) The province of Chekian is the most renowned both for quantity and quality. Note 76 Procopius, (l. viii. Gothic. iv. c. 17. Theophanes Byzant. apud Phot. Cod. lxxxiv. p. 38. Zonaras, tom. ii. l. xiv. p. 69. Pagi (tom. ii. p. 602) assigns to the year 552 this memorable importation. Menander (in Excerpt. Legat. p. 107) mentions the admiration of the Sogdoites; and Theophylact Simocatta (l. vii. c. 9) darkly represents the two rival kingdoms in (China) the country of silk. Chapter 53 : Fate of the Eastern empire. Pt. 1. From the age of Charlemagne to that of the Crusades, the world (for I overlook the remote monarchy of China) was occupied and disputed by the three great empires or nations of the Greeks, the Saracens, and the Franks... The northern climates are less propitious to the education of the silkworm; but the industry of France and England is supplied and enriched by the productions of Italy and China. Pt. 3 The model was indeed more perfect than the copy; their ships, and engines, and fortifications, were of a less skilful construction; and they confess, without shame, that the same God who has given a tongue to the Arabians, had more nicely fashioned the hands of the Chinese, and the heads of the Greeks. |
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2 | 1796 |
Gibbon, Edward. Miscellaneous works [ID D26760]. Principes des Poids, des Monnoies, et des Mesures des Anciens. (1759) Je ne connois que la Chine qui ait fermée ses mines d'argent. La raison en est sensible, et fait l'éloge de ce peuple de législateurs. Isolée dans l'univers, la Chine ignore la richesse relative et le commerce étranger. L'augmentation ou la diminution des métaux n'intéressent nullement le commerce intérieur et les arts. Extraits raisonnées. Mr. Needham pretended that these Egyptian letters werde the same as the old Chinese characters. De l'Orient, des Indes, &c. Comme les voyageurs ne sont point d’accord sur la mesure du pied Chinois M. D'Anville consulta le P. Gaubil, missonnaire à Pekin. Ce Père s'assura que le pied impérial étoit au pied de roi comme 500 à 508, c'est à dire onze pouces neuf lignes et sept dixièmes de lignes, et par conséquent douze pouces sept lignes et deux dixièmeés de lignes du pied Anglois. 193 li sont égaux à un dégré du grand cercle ; cependant les mathématiciens Chinois y comptent unanimement 200 li. On pourroit attribuer cette différence à leur peu d'habileté, ou au désir de n'employer qu’un nombre rond ; si l'on ne savoit que telle fut la décision de l'empereur Cam-hi et que personne n'osa y contredire ni la rectifier. Telle est la mesure des li actuels ; mais M. D'Anville croit en avoir trouvé de plus petits dans les diècles reculés. Un rapport des parasanges au li dans le quinzième siècle lui en donne de ceux-ci de 272 au dégré. La mensuration même d’un dégré dans le huitième lui en fournit de 338 ; et la distance de Pekin à une ville Tartare lui en fait, du troisième siècle avant J.C. de 405 au dégré. Tout cela est fort ingénieux et paroît même assez vraisemblable. Je voudrois avoir eu les mêmes secours sur les polids qui sont en même tems la seule monnoie d'or ou d'argent que connoissent les Chinois. Les réponses vagues et obscures des missionnaires m'ont engagé à consulter les voyages d'un négociant qui a passé six mois à Canton. Il n'a pu connoître que les objets du commerce, mais il doit être assez instruit là-dessus. Selon lui, 10 li = 1 candarin ; 10 foan ou candrians = 1 mace ; 10 tsean ou maces = 1 tael, Les Chinois le nomment leang ; 10 leang ou tales = 12 oz. 2 dwt. 4 gr. Poids Anglois = 12 onces environ de Paris ; 16 tales = 1 cattie ou livre Choinoise. L'écu d'Angleterre (5 chelins) 5 l. T. 12 ½, passe à la Chine pour 8 maces ; par conséquent, un tael = 10 maces = 6s. 3d. = en gors 7 l T.Os. Le Père le Comte me paroît le mieux instruit, sur les revenus de la Chine. Ce que la cour reçois en argent ne passe pas 22 millions de taels, 6,875,000 l.s. Mais il faut ajouter une somme bien plus considérable pour toutes les denrées que les provinces sont obligées de fournir en ris, en bled, en draps, en soies, en sel, en vernis, &c. &c. qu’on peut évaluer à cinquante de tales 15,625,000 l.s. Le total du revenu peut monter à 72 millions de tales 22,500,000 l.s. L'Hindostan, moins peuplé et moins commerçant, a rendu bien davantage à son prince ; mais le commerce des Indes engloutit les trésors de l'Amérique, et l'avarice tyrannique des Mogols ne laisse au commerçant que les richesses qu'il peut leur cacher. Le P. Du Halde avoit évalué ce revenu à 200,000,000 tales, 62,500,000 l.s. après une exagération pareille j'ai peine à le croire. Il dit cependant que l'empereur entretient 160,000 hommes auprès de sa personne, et plus de 770,000 pour la défense de la grande muraille et des provinces en tout 930'000 hommes ; avec 565,000 chevaux pour remonter sa cavalerie. La Chine, dans un dénombrement fait au commencement du règne de Cam-hi, contenoit 11,052,872 familles, et 59,788,364 hommes en état de porter les armes, sans y comprendre les lettrés, les bonze, les mariniers, &c. Un pareil calcul nous donneroit pour le moins 200,000,000 d'habitants. Les détails qu'il donne sur les denrées que les provinces envoyoient en cour ont un air d'authenticité. Entr'autres j'y trouve en bled et ris 40,155,490 sacs, chaque sac du poids de 120 livres. Cette quantité énorme reviendroit à 15,494,722 quartiers d'Angleterre, et vaudroit ici plus de 30,000,000 livres sterling. Je sais que les denrées sont à meilleur marché à la Chine, mais cette somme me paroît aussi incroyable que peu nécessaire. Vanité Chinoise ! Extraits de mon journal. Erwähnung von : Viani, Sostegno ; Mezzabarba, Carlo Ambrogio. Relazione di quanto è successo in Cina à Monsigre. Carlo Ambrogio Mezzabarba Patriarca d'Alessandria e Legato Apostolico. = Istoria delle cose operate nella China de Monsignor Gio. Ambrogio Mezzabarba, scritta dal padre Viani : opera data a adesso la prima volta alla luce. (Parigi : Appresso Monsù Briasson, 1739). Fourmont, Etienne. Linguae sinarum mandarinicae hieroglyphicae grammatica duplex. (Paris : Ex Typographia Josephi Bullot, 1742) Index expurgatorius. (1768-1769). M. de Voltaire rejects with a magisterial haughtiness the famous inscription, which relates the origin of Christianity in that country, and asserts with a decisive a confidence that Christianity was absolutely unknown in China in the time of Charlemagne. If he will take the trouble of reading a very curious dissertation in the Estratto della Letterature Europea, per l’anno, 1761, p. 1, 2, 2, and which is perfectly agreeable to the principles of M. De Guignes, (V. Mém. De l’Acad. Tom. 30.) he may see the two following positions established upon the most convincing proofs. 1. It is certain from the Chinese historians, the Nestorian writers, and the Arabian and European travellers, that a very considerable Christian church subsisted in China from the 7th to the 14th century, which at first flourished very much under the peculiar protection of the emperors. 2. That the inscription carries every mark of authenticity, and is perfectly agreeable to the history of those times and even to the character and doctrines of the Nestorian sect. I am not insensible that before this question was so accurately examined, some learned men have had doubts concerning the inscription ; but where they doubted, Voltaire decided. Though his objections are very contemptible, yet I am still more offended at the haughtiness of his unbelief, than at his unbelief itself. |
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3 | 1827 |
Gibbon, Edward. Memoirs of my Life and Writings [ID D26761]. The family of Confucius is, in my opinion, the most illustrious in the world. After a painful ascent of eight or ten centuries, our barons and princes of Europe are lost in the darkness of the middle ages; but, in the vast equality of the empire of China, the posterity of Confucius have maintained, above two thousand two hundred years, their peaceful honours and perpetual succession. |
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# | Year | Bibliographical Data | Type / Abbreviation | Linked Data |
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1 | 1762 |
Jolibois, Jean-François ; Gibbon, Edward. A voyage to the East Indies in 1747 and 1748. Containing an account of the islands of St. Helena and Java. Of the city of Batavia. Of the government and political conduct of the Dutch. Of the empire of China, with a particular description of Canton. Société de géographie de Lyon. ([S.l. : s.n.], 1762. https://archive.org/details/avoyagetoeastin01chargoog. |
Publication / Joli1 | |
2 | 1779 |
Gibbon, Edward. A vindication of some passages in the fifteenth and sixteenth chapters of the History of the decline and fall of the Roman empire. (Printed for W. Strahan ; and T. Cadell, 1779). Vol. 4. http://www.sacred-texts.com/cla/gibbon/01/index.htm. |
Publication / Gib4 |
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3 | 1796 |
Gibbon, Edward. Miscellaneous works. (London : Printed for A. Strahan, and T. Cadell Jun. and W. Davies, 1796). Vol. 5. [Enthält Eintragun gen über China]. http://books.google.com/books?oe=UTF-8&id=t5QUAAAAQAAJ &q=china#v=snippet&q=china&f=false. |
Publication / Gib1 |
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4 | 1827 |
Gibbon, Edward. Memoirs of my Life and Writings. (London: Hunt & Clarke, 1827). (1789). [Enthält Eintragungen über China]. http://www.gutenberg.org/files/6031/6031-h/6031-h.htm. |
Publication / Gib3 |
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5 | 1964 |
[Gibbon, Edward]. Jiben Luoma di guo shuai wang shi xuan. Jiben ; Wang Shengzu ; Jiang Mengyin. (Beijing : Shang wu yin shu guan, 1964). (Wai guo shi xue ming zhu xuan). Übersetzung von Gibbon, Edward. A vindication of some passages in the fifteenth and sixteenth chapters of the History of the decline and fall of the Roman empire. (Printed for W. Strahan ; and T. Cadell, 1779). 吉本《罗马帝国衰亡史》选 |
Publication / Gib5 | |
6 | 1975 |
[Gibbon, Edward]. Luoma di guo shuai wang shi : (jian ming ban). Jipeng zhu ; Mei Yinsheng yi. (Xinzhu : Feng cheng chu ban she, 1975). (Feng cheng cong shu). Übersetzung von Gibbon, Edward. A vindication of some passages in the fifteenth and sixteenth chapters of the History of the decline and fall of the Roman empire. (Printed for W. Strahan ; and T. Cadell, 1779). 羅馬帝國衰亡史 : (簡明版) |
Publication / Gib6 | |
7 | 1983 |
[Gibbon, Edward]. Luoma di guo shuai wang shi. Jipeng zhu ; Li Xuezhong yi. Vol. 1-3. (Xinzhu : Zhang Tianran chu ban she, 1983). Übersetzung von Gibbon, Edward. A vindication of some passages in the fifteenth and sixteenth chapters of the History of the decline and fall of the Roman empire. (Printed for W. Strahan ; and T. Cadell, 1779). 羅馬帝國衰亡史 |
Publication / Gib7 | |
8 | 1989 |
[Gibbon, Edward]. Jiben zi zhuan. Aidehua Jiben zhu ; Dai Ziqin yi. (Beijing : San lian shu dian, 1989). (Wen hua sheng huo yi cong ; 27). Übersetzung von Gibbon, Edward. The autobiography and correspondence of Edward Gibbon, the historian. (London : Alex. Murray, 1869). 吉本自傳 |
Publication / Gib8 | |
9 | 1997 |
[Gibbon, Edward]. Luoma di guo shuai wang shi : D.M. Luo jie bian ben. Aidehua Jiben zhu ; Huang Yisi, Huang Yushi yi. Vol. 1-2. (Beijing : Shang wu yin shu guan, 1997). (Han yi shi jie xue shu ming zhu cong shu). Übersetzung von Gibbon, Edward. A vindication of some passages in the fifteenth and sixteenth chapters of the History of the decline and fall of the Roman empire. (Printed for W. Strahan ; and T. Cadell, 1779). 罗马帝国衰王史 : D.M. 洛节编本 |
Publication / Gib9 |