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“The modernist response to Chinese art : Pound, Moore, Stevens” (Publication, 2003)

Year

2003

Text

Qian, Zhaoming. The modernist response to Chinese art : Pound, Moore, Stevens. (Charlottesville : University of Virginia Press, 2003).
http://books.google.ch/books/about/The_Modernist_Response_to_Chinese_
Art.html?id=S0AHhe2a0NoC&redir_esc=y
. (SteW10)

Type

Publication

Contributors (1)

Qian, Zhaoming  (1944-) : Chancellor's Research Professor, English Department, University of New Orleans ; Chancellor's Chair Professor of Modernist Studies, Hangzhou Normal University

Mentioned People (3)

Moore, Marianne  (Kirkwood, Miss. 1887-1972 New York, N.Y.) : Dichterin, Schriftstellerin
[Permission for quotations by Cynthia Stamy and Qian Zhaoming].

Pound, Ezra  (Hailey, Idaho 1885-Venedig 1972) : Dichter, Schriftsteller
[In der Sekundärliteratur wurden Analysen einzelner Strophen der Gedichte nicht berücksichtigt]

Stevens, Wallace  (Reading, Penn. 1879-1955 Hartford, Conn.) : Dichter, Schriftsteller, Dramatiker, Anwalt

Subjects

Literature : Occident : United States of America / References / Sources

Chronology Entries (27)

# Year Text Linked Data
1 1895-1903 Maxwell Sommerville had shipped more than six tons of material from Japan and China "for the purpose of teaching Philadelphians about Buddhist beliefs and ritual through a visual display of the wides possible range of objects" to the University of Pennsylvania Museum.
  • Person: Sommerville, Maxwell
2 1897-1955 Wallace Stevens and China : general
Quellen :
Beal, Samuel. Buddhism in China [ID D8373].
Binyon, Laurence. Painting in the Far East [ID D21512].
Duthuit, Georges. Chinese mysticism and modern painting [ID D30303].
Exhibition of Chinese sculpture, Han (206 B.C.-A.D. 220) to Sung (A.D. 960-1279) [ID D30325].
Fenollosa, Ernest. Epochs of Chinese and Japanese art [ID D5101].
Hackney, Louise Wallace. Guide-posts to Chinese painting [ID D30326].
Okakura, Kakuzô. The book of tea [ID D30306].
Okakura, Kakuzô. The ideals of the East [ID D30304].
Pope, Arthur. An introduction to the language of drawing and painting [ID D30305].

1925
Munson, Gorham B. The dandyism of Wallace Stevens. In : Dial ; vol. 79 (Nov. 1925).
Because of this tranquility, this well-fed and well-booted dandyism of contentment, Mr. Stevens has been called Chinese. Undeniably, he has been influenced by Chinese verse, as he has been by French verse, but one must not force the comparison. For Chinese poetry as a whole rests upon great humanistic and religious traditions : its quiet strength and peace are often simply by-products of a profound understanding ; its epicureanism is less an end, more a function, than the tranquility – may I say – the decidedly American tranquility of Wallace.

1993
Lloyd Haft : It is difficult to imagine a modern American poet whose work would be more difficult to translate into Chinese than that of Wallace Stevens. His esthetic, in which anything like rational understandability seems almost taboo and which continually prefers 'gaiety' or 'gaudiness' to the flat, spare, quasi-'objective' sound affected by many of his contemporaries, poses nightmares even for the native reader seeking comprehension. From the translator's point of view, another troublesome feature of Stevens' poetic world is that his central subjects, the 'mind' and the 'imagination', are terms more specific to the English language than many readers realize.

2003
Qian Zhaoming : Wallace Stevens's Chan-like notions are directly linked to his lifelong interest in Chan art.
In Bevis, William W. Mind of winter : Wallace Stevens, meditation, and literature. (Pittsburgh, Pa. : University of Pittsburgh Press, 1988), William Bevis states, "A number of Stevens' poems seem not only to use meditative issues and points of view, but also to imitate the structure of meditative experience, an advanced, sensate meditative experience that follows the middle way." For Bevis, Stevens's use of meditation is no proof for direct exchange with Chan. To quote his words, "Stevens seems to have arrived at his knowledge without significant help from Buddhists, scientists, or orientalists." In my view, Stevens's innate meditative detachment not only clarifies his well-known fascination with Chan art, but also multiplies the likelihood of an intimate transaction with its message. Chan art is designed to invite viewers to enter into it and lose themselves to its outlook. Stevens's habit of looking at things with meditative detachment almost ensures his entry into the nothing or the no-mind state of Chan art with the thing itself perceived. Okakura's The ideals of the East offers accounts of the origin of Chan, its emphasis on meditation, its disrespect for rituals, and, above all, what it means by 'suchness' . Binyon's Painting in the Far East similarly elaborates on Chan art. The essay on The noble features of the forest and the stream gives a superb insight into the Chan belief that people can enjoy 'the luxuries of nature' even 'without stepping out of their houses'.
It was Chan painting that played a principal role in elevating Stevens' detachment to a higher level of meditative experience.
One is offered three ways to grasp Chan : visual, verbal, and actional. Stevens was involved in all three during his formative years. It was his own meditative nature that inspired his to pursue Chan art. From there he moved on to read about Chan Buddhism.

2007
Huang, Xiaoyan. Guo jia she ke ji jin ke ti de jie duan xing cheng guo zhi yi. [ID D30293].
As a modern American poet, Wallace Stevens apparently assimilated the Chinese Cultural heritage in his poetry writing. We can sense the influences of Chinese culture here and there in his poems, essays, letters and journals as well. This paper attempts to explore the relations between Stevens and China, to analyze Chinese Daoism and the spirit of Chinese art absorbed in his poetry creating, and to find a new way to interpret Stevens and his poems.

2009
Devin Zuber : Stevens assembled a private art collection that included Japanese and Chinese prints, paintings, and Buddhist statues, as well as an impressive array of costly exhibition catalogues on Oriental art, in addition to numerous other books related to Buddhism and Eastern religions.
Stevens shared with Zen Buddhism a deep skepticism towards language as a system of representation ; one reason Zen painting developed as a kind of didactic tool in the way that it did stemmed from a strong conviction that words were woefully inadequate for the totality of experience.
  • Document: Wand, David Happell Hsin-fu [Wang, David Rafael]. Cathay revisited : the Chinese tradition in the poetry of Ezra Pound and Gary Snyder. (Los Angeles, Calif. : University of Southern California, 1972). Diss. Univ. of Southern California, 1972. S. 22. (Pou97, Publication)
  • Document: Haft, Lloyd. Snowy men and ice-cream emperors : Wallace Stevens in some recent Chinese translations. In : Words from the West : Western texts in Chinese literary context. Ed. by Lloyd Haft. (Leiden : Centre of Non-Western Studies, 1993). (SteW8, Publication)
  • Document: Huang, Xiaoyan. Guo jia she ke ji jin ke ti de jie duan xing cheng guo zhi yi. In : Wai guo wen xue yan jiu bian wei jie shao ; Issue 3 (2007). [The influence of Chinese culture on the poetry of Wallace Stevens]. http://qkzz.net/article/8fde20ea-4c99-4302-a746-788ab154769a.htm.
    国家社科基金课题的阶段性成果之一
    (SteW4, Publication)
  • Document: Zuber, Devin. "Poking around in the dust of Asia" : Wallace Stevens, modernism, and the aesthetics of the East. In : Orient and Orientalisms in US-American poetry and poetics. Sabine Sielke, Christian Kloeckner (eds.). (Frankfurt a.M. : Land, 2009). (SteW12, Publication)
  • Person: Stevens, Wallace
3 1898-1900 East Asian exhibits in the University of Pennsylvania Furness Building (1898). The exhibits moved to the Free Museum of Science and Art = University of Pennsylvania Museum (1899-1900).
4 1905-1972 Marianne Moore and China : general.
Quellen
Animals in paintings from Asia. Boston Museum of Fine Arts (1965).
Baynes. Vol. 1-2. (New York, N.Y. : Pantheon Books, 1950). (Bollingen series ; 19).
Bynner, Witter. Laotzu. The way of life according to Laotzu [ID D30328]. [With notations].
Candolle, Alphonse de. Origin of cultivated plants. (New York, N.Y. : D. Appleton, 1886).
Master bronzes : selected from museums and collections in America. February 1937.
Confucius. The analects of Confucius. Transl. and ann. by Arthur Waley [ID D8879]. [With notations].
Confucius. Shih-ching : the classic anthology defined by Confucius. [Transl. by] Ezra Pound. [ID D29062].
Confucius. The unwobbling pivot and The great digest. Transl. by Ezra Pound. [ID D29063]. [1951, With notations].
Confucius to Cummings : an anthology of poetry. Ed. by Ezra Pound [ID D30334].
Costumes from the Forbidden City. Metropolitan Museum of Art (March 1945).
Cottrell, Annette B. Dragons. (Boston : Museum of Fine Arts, 1962).
Davis, Frank. The Chinese dragon. In : Illustrated London news ; Aug. 23 (1930).
Davis, Frank. The unnatural history of China : the lions of Buddha. In : Illustrated London news ; vol. 178 (1931).
Eaton, Evelyn. Go ask the river [ID D30339].
Encyclopedia Britannica.
European and Oriental sculpture. Anderson Galleries (Dec. 1928).
Exhibition of early Chinese paintings and sculptures. Bourgeois Gallery, New York (Nov.-Dec. 1922). [With notations].
Fang, Achilles. Rhymeprose on literature. In : Harvard journal of Asiatic studies (1951).
Franck, Harry Alverson. Roving through southern China [ID D3164].
Guang, Rusi. Chinese wit, wisdom and written characters [ID D30337].
Hackney, Louise Wallace. Guide-posts to Chinese painting. (Boston : Houghton Mifflin Co., 1927).
Ji, Lu ; Hughes, E[rnest] R[ichard]. The art of letters : Lu Chi's "Wen fu", A.D. 302 [ID D30329].
Lin, Yutang. The Chinese theory of art [ID D30330].
The lost flute, and other Chinese lyrics [ID D30333].
Master bronzes. (Buffalo : Buffalo Fine Arts Academy, Albright Art Gallery, 1937).
Paine, Robert Treat. Animals in paintings from Asia. (Boston : Museum of Fine Arts, 1956).
Pallister, Bury. The China collectors : Parker companion. (London : Sampson Low, Marston, Low and Searle, 1874).
Pound, Ezra. Instigations of Ezra Pound ; together with an essay on the Chinese written character [ID D22141].
Reed, Stanley. Oriental rugs and carpets. (New York, N.Y. : Putnam, 1967).
The silent zero, in search of sound. Transl. by Erich Sackheim [ID D30336].
Sitwell, Osbert. Escape with me ! : an Oriental sketch book.[ID D3453].
Studies in Chinese literature. Ed. by John L. Bishop. [ID D10623].
Sze, Mai-mai. The tao of painting : a study of the ritual disposition of Chinese painting [ID D30310].
Sze, Mai-mai. The way of Chinese painting [ID D30335]. [Inscribed "For Marianne Moore this pocket version! Affectionately, Mai-mai Sze, November 24, 1959"].
Topsell, Edward. Historie of foure-footed beastes. (London : Printed by William Iaggard, 1607).
The treasure of Luhan. In : Metropolitan Museum of art bulletin. (Dec. 1919).
Wilhelm, Richard. The I ching : or, Book of changes. Rendered into English by Cary F. Baynes. Vol. 1-2. (New York, N.Y. : Pantheon Books, 1950). (Bollingen series ; 19).
Worcester Art Museum news bulletin and calendar. (1955). [Article on Chinese jades and photos of Zhou dynasty dragon].
Xue, Tao. I am a thought of you [ID D30338].

Sekundärliteratur
1971-1972
David Happell Hsin-Fu Wand : Marianne Moore states in the epigraph to her Complete poems : "Omissions are not accidents". We can assume that she is reticent about what she does not know well and that she will only "talk about them when I understand them".
She never makes direct references to or gives quotations of classical Chinese poetry in her work. But we find in her poetry some allusions to Chinese objects d'art. She finds 'precision' and 'fastidiousness' in many things Chinese.
1995
Lina Unali : Marianne Moore searched in the Orient and in China in particular, for new sources of artistic inspiration and regeneration. Sometimes this only led to a rephrasing of traditional values in more agreeable terms.
1997
Beinecke Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Yale University
http://brbl-archive.library.yale.edu/exhibitions/orient/mod10.htm.
Marianne
Moore's interest in China stemmed in part from her friendship with a Presbyterian missionary family and her visits to New York galleries. Always intrigued by the exotic, she regularly sought elements of "the wisdom of the East" to illustrate her moral points.
1999
Cynthia Stamy : As a young adult, Moore was experiencing the East as strange and peculiar. China's unfettered ability to resist American religious assimilation, the Christian framework which was so important for the Moore family, must have made it seem seven more alien, and possibly more exotic. Her affinity for scholarly work on Chinese subjects from poetry to painting, calligraphy, chinoiserie, textile design, and religious history is evident not only in her poetry and appended notes, but also in prose work throughout her writing career. Moore was involved in the imaginative production of the Orient ; she posited China as a repository of wisdom, forbearance, peace, and tranquility. At different times, Moore uses Chinese poetry, art, and philosophy to resist the dictates of contemporary verse forms, the influence of European literature and art, the restrictions of a masculine logic, and the imposition of the demands of contemporary politics and mass culture. Moore's fascination with dragons of the Far East can be seen as symptomatic of her apparent need to invest China and things Chinese with an originary potency, to place moral statements against a ground of the ancient and even prehistoric. Moore practices a kind of poetic primitivism in her poems that include Chinese supernatural creatures which allies her work with that of modernist painters who engaged in a similar practice of juxtaposition. Moore's deployment of things Chinese in her poems is augmented by her respect for Chinese ingenuity and tradition. Her selectivity in choosing China's art, but not her history, China's imperial past, but not her peasantry, is itself a dated orientalist response which reflects an impression of China suited to her own needs.
Moore's original use of the Chinese 'fu' style of poetry is one successful instance of her consisten ingenuity in finding and employing 'new' form in her poetry. While Moore was not the first modern poet to prefer a Far Eastern form for expressing feelings and truths found in observations of nature, she used the model of the Chinese 'fu' in distinctive ways. The self-conscious antiquarianism of her repeated borrowing of 'fu' techniques exposes Moore's sens of the problematic nature of modernity, as she employed this ancient formal tributary model to pose questions about the moral and cultural significance of the present. Moore's 'fu'-inspired poems exhibit the kind of authority and didacticism which often characterize an ancient poetry. Like the Imagists and the practioners of the 'fu', Moore in her poetry exhibits a sustained use of a form of free verse within a very exacting structure. Her use of syllabic verse does not create its own rhythm and, therefore, the reader's attention is called to prose rhythms within the poem. The influences Moore seems to have absorbed from the 'fu', both in terms of structure and subject-matter, are distributed widely throughout her work and can be found in poems written both early and late in her career. Her interrelationships between the human and the natural were central to both the Confucian and Taoist traditions philosophies which Moore studied and referred to in her prose and poetry. Moore's syllabic verse also forms link with the Chinese language, in which each character is a single syllable.
Moore's familiarity with Chinese scrolls was such that she was capable of making references to a specific type of scroll which depicted characteristic scenes of the larger rivers in China.
2003
Qian Zhaoming : Marianne Moore showed a passion for the artifacts of late imperial China – the Yuan, Ming, and Qing products – throughout her long career. Moore is fond of going to Chinese art exhibitions primarily because they promise to educate her eyes. As her correspondence reveals, she takes delight not only in examining the exhibits but also in recounting her prized items. Moore's interest in Chinese art is primarily an interest in Chinese animal pictures illustrating an approach that might be called 'imaginative objectivism'. By studying Chinese animal pictures, Moore benefits more than just recapturing some images in her own poetry. The true value for Moore of the Chinese tradition of treating animals is that it braces up her objection to the Western bias of the animal genre. She had attended many Chinese art shows where she has the freedom of examining for herself how Chinese painters turn themselves into 'instruments' of actual life.
The Tao of painting by Mai-mai Sze awakened Moore to its true meaning and possibilities. It encouraged her to rethink the value of her own ambiguity and reserve in some early experiments. From Sze she has learned to overlook the distinction between Confucianism and Daoism / Buddhism.
2006
Victoria Bazin : Marianne Moore deploys imagery and tropes in circulation in the newspapers and literature she was reading on the subject of China and Chinese art and culture. Moore's respect for Eastern difference might appear to be an enlightened attempt to refuse the Orientalist impulse to accumulate knowledge of the 'other' thereby reinforcing Western hegemonic power, the fact that her poetic observations of 'China' reproduce it as a site of exotic and unfathomable otherness suggests its general complicity with European exoticism.
  • Document: Wand, David Hsin-fu. The dragon and the kylin : the use of Chinese symbols and myths in Marianne Moore's poetry. In : Literature East and West, vol. 15 (1971). (Moo6, Publication)
  • Document: Wand, David Happell Hsin-fu [Wang, David Rafael]. Cathay revisited : the Chinese tradition in the poetry of Ezra Pound and Gary Snyder. (Los Angeles, Calif. : University of Southern California, 1972). Diss. Univ. of Southern California, 1972. S. 22. (Pou97, Publication)
  • Document: Unali, Lina. Taoist concepts and Chinese imagery in the poetry of Marianne Moore. In : Tamkang review ; vol. 18, nos 1-4 (1987-1988). In : La memoria : annali della Facoltà di lettere e filosofia dell' Università di Palermo, 1995.
    http://www.sunmoonlake.net/oldsml/mariannemoore.html. (Moo4, Publication)
  • Document: Stamy, Cynthia. Marianne Moore and China : Orientalism and a writing of America. (Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1999). (Oxford English monographs). (Revision of author's thesis, University of Oxford). S. 2, 4, 27, 58, 65, 77-78, 88-89, 93-94, 97-98, 114, 145. (Moo2, Publication)
  • Document: Bazin, Victoria. "Just looking" at the everyday : Marianne Moore's exotic modernism. In : Modernist cultures ; vol. 2, issue 1 (2006).
    http://www.js-modcult.bham.ac.uk/articles/Issue3_Bazin.pdf. (Moo5, Publication)
  • Person: Moore, Marianne
5 1908 Marianne Moore received a Chinese carved wooden tray as a birthday present.
6 1909 London Times ; 11 Febr. 1909.
"Mr. Laurence Binyon will give a course of four lectures on Art and Though in East and West, in the small theatre of the Albert Hall, Kensington, at 5:30 on Wednesday afternoons, March 10, 17, 24, and 31."
7 1911 Wallace Stevens was reading Confucius and Mencius. Comment to his wife Elsie : "I always have the wise sayings of Tzu and K'Ung Fu-Tzu to think of".
8 1911 Marianne Moore visits the Exhibition of Chinese and Japanese Paintings at the British Museum.
9 1914 ca. Ezra Pound and Henri Gaudier-Brzeska were attracted to ritual bronzes of the Shang and Zhou societies in London museums.
10 1916 Ausstellung chinesischer Kunst im Metropolitan Museum of Fine Art, New York, ortanisiert von S.C. Bosch Reitz.
11 1916 Exhibition of Art, Bourgeois Gallery, New York. Included Chinese, Japanese and Persian paintings, Han and Song Chinese pottery and sculpture.
12 1917 Witter Bynner travels in Korea, Japan and China from March 15 to June.
Bynner brought back four Chinese scoll paintings. One of these, Two fishermen, stimualted him to write the essay The Chinese brush.
  • Document: Kraft, James. Who is Witter Bynner ? : a biography. (Albuquerque : University of New Mexico Press, 1995). S. 42. (Byn9, Publication)
  • Person: Bynner, Witter
13 1917 If Wallace Stevens had not viewed Chan paintings as the hanging scroll, 'White heron', the fan piece 'Winter forest' and the square album leaf 'Winter riverscape' in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, he had at least gazed at works similar to them.
14 1918 Exhibitions Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
Old Chinese paintings.
Chinese ceramics.
15 1918 Exhibition Brooklyn Museum of Art.
Chinese wall vases.
16 1918 Exhibition American Art Galleries.
Chinese paintings from the collection of E. Josenhans at Paris.
17 1920-1966 Moore, Marianne. The complete poems [ID D30312].
1920
Moore, Marianne. Picking and choosing. In : Dial ; April (1920).
… Gordon Craig with his "this is I" and "this is mine", with his three wise men, his "sad French greens", and his "Chinese cherry"…

1921
Moore, Marianne. England. In : Moore, Marianne. Poems. (London : The Egoist Press, 1921).
“…The sublimated wisdom of China, Egyptian discernment, the cataclysmic torrent of emotion compressed in the verbs of the Hebrew language…”

1921
Marianne Moore. He made this screen. In : Moore, Marianne. Poems. (London : The Egoist Press, 1921).
He made this screen
not of silver nor of coral,
but of weatherbeaten laurel.
Here, he introduced a sea
uniform like tapestry;
here, a fig-tree; there, a face;
there, a dragon circling space --
designating here, a bower;
there, a pointed passion-flower.

1922
Moore, Marianne. People's surroundings. In : Dial ; June (1922).
…When you take my time, you take something I had meant to use ;
the highway hid by fir trees in rhododendron twenty feet deep,
the peacocks, hand-forged gates, old Persian velvet,
roses outlined in pale black on an ivory ground,
the pierced iron shadows of the cedars,
Chinese carved glass, old Waterford, lettered ladies ;
landscape gardening twisted into permanence…
a green piece of tough translucent parchment,
where the crimson, the copper, and the Chinese vermilion of the poincianas
set fire to the masonry and turquoise blues refute the clock…

1923
Moore, Marianne. Bowls. In : Secession ; no 6 (July 1923).
on the green
with lignum vitae balls and ivory markers,
the pins planted in wild duck formation,
and quickly dispersed –
by this survival of ancient punctilio
in the manner of Chinese carved carving,
layer after layer exposed by certainty of touch and unhurried incision…

1923
Moore, Marianne. Novices. In : The chapbook : a monthly miscellany ; no 36 (April 1923).
… averse from the antique
with "that tinge of sadness about it which a reflective mind always feels,
it is so little and so much"…
Note : Line 15 : "The Chinese objects of art and porcelain disperses by Messrs. Puttick and Simpson on the 18th had that tinge of sadness which a reflective minde always feels ; it is so little and so much". Arthur Hadyn, Illustrated London News, February 26, 1921.

1924
Moore, Marianne. Sea unicorns and land unicorns. In : Dial ; Nov. (1924).
…Thus personalities by nature much opposed,
can be combined in such a way
that when they do agree, their unanimity is great,
"in politics, in trade, law, sport, religion,
China-collecting, tennis, and church-going".

1924
Moore, Marianne. Well moused, lion. In : The Dial ; no 76 (Jan. 1924).
Review of Stevens, Wallace. Harmonium. (New York, N.Y. : A.A. Knopf, 1923).
http://www.jstor.org/stable/441107.
One feels, however, an achieved remoteness as in Tu Muh's [Du Mu] lyric criticism. : "Powerful is the painting… and high is it hung on the spotless wall in the lofty hall of your mansion"…
In his positiveness, aplomb, and verbal security, he has the mind and the method of China ; in such controversial effects as :
Of what was it I was thinking ?
So the meaning escapes…

1932
Moore, Marianne. No swan so fine. In : Poetry ; vol. 41, no 1 (Oct. 1932).
"No water so still as the
dead fountains of Versailles." No swan,
with swart blind look askance
and gondoliering legs, so fine
as the chinz china one with fawn¬
brown eyes and toothed gold
collar on to show whose bird it was.
Oswald, Elaine ; Gale, Robert L. On Marianne Moore’s life and career.
http://www.english.illinois.edu/maps/poets/m_r/moore/life.htm
"No
Swan So Fine" suggests that a beautiful china swan, symbol of art, has serenely outlasted Louis XV of France, its cocky whilom owner.

1933
Moore, Marianne. The plumet basilisk. In : Hound & horn ; vol. 7, no 1 (Oct/Dec. 1933).
In Costa Rica
In blazing driftwood
the green keeps showing at the same place ;
as, intermittently, the fire opal shows blue and green.
In Costa Rica the true Chinese lizard face
is found, of the amphibious falling dragon, the living firework…
As by a Chinese brush, eight green
bands are painted on
the tail – as piano keys are barred
by five black stripes across the white…
Note : Lines 13-15 : Frank Davis, 'The Chinese Dragon', Illustrated London News, August 23, 1930 : "He is the god of Rain, and the Ruler of Rivers, Lakes, and Seas. For six months of the year he hibernates in the depths of the sea, living in beautiful palaces … We learn from a book of the T'ang Dynasty that 'it may cause itself to become visible or invisible at will, and it can become long or short, and coarse or fine, at its good pleasure'." A dragon "is either born a dragon (and true dragons have nine sons) or becomes one by transformation." There is a "legend of the carp that try to climb a certain cataract in the western hills. Those that succeed become dragon."
Sekundärliteratur
1999
Cynthia Stami : In an early manuscript version of 'The plumet basiliks' Moore included four additional stanzas. These lines show that Asia, and particularly China, provide a source of that myth and story so critical to establishing this remove :
"This is the feather basilisk
of travellers' tales, of which a pair stood
bodyguard beside Confucius' crib : aquatic thing
lizard-fairy detested by such dragonhood
as Michael fought."
"When two plumet territories touch,
the masters of them are dramatic
without shedding blood, exerting charm as Chinese dragon –
whiskers in a crystal handle charm ; or as thick-
flowering orchids gather dragons, in the East, by forming
clouds for them."

1934
Moore, Marianne. Nine nectarines. In : Poetry ; vol. 45, no 2 (Nov. 1934).
Arranged by two's as peaches are,
at the intervals that all may live –
eight and a single one, on twigs that
grew the year before – they look like
a derivative ;
although not uncommonly
the opposite is seen –
nine peaches on a nectarine.
Fuzzless through slender crescent leaves
Of green or blue or both, in the Chinese style, the four
pairs' half-moon leaf-mosaic turns
out to the sun the sprinkled blush
of puce-American-Beauty pink
applied to beeswax gray by the
uninquiring brush
of mercantile bookbinding.
like the peach 'Yu', the red-
cheeked peach which cannot aid the dead,
but eaten in time prevents death,
the Italian peach nut, Persian plum, Ispahan
secluded wall-grown nectarine,
as wild spontaneous fruit was
found in China first. But was it wild ?
Prudent de Candolle would not say.
One perceives no flaws
in this emblematic group of nine, with leaf window
unquilted by 'curculio'
which someone once depicted on
this much-mended plate
or in the also accurate
unantlered moose or Iceland horse
or ass asleep against the old
thick, low-leaning nectarine that is the
color of the shrub-tree's brownish
flower.
A Chinese "understands
the spirit of the wilderness"
and the nectarine-loving kylin of pony appearance – the long-
tailed or the tailless
small cinnarmon-brown, common
camel-haired unicorn
with antelope feet and no horn,
here enameled on porcelain.
It was a Chinese
Who imagined this masterpiece.
Notes : (1) "The Chinese believe the oval peaches which are very red on one side, to be a symbol of long life… According to the word of Chin-noug-king, the peach 'Yu' prevents death. If it is not eaten in time, it at least preserves the body from decay until the end of the world." Alphonse de Candolle, Origin of Cultivated Plants (Appleton, 1886 ; Hafner, 1959).
(2) New York Sun, July 2, 1932. The World Today, by Edgar Snow, from Soochow, China. "An old gentleman of China, whom I met when I first came to this country, volunteered to name for me what he called the 'six certainties'. He said : 'You may be sure that the clearest jade comes from Yarkand, the prettiest flowers from Szechuen, the most fragile porcelain from Kingtehchen, the finest tea from Fukien, the sheerest silk from Hangchow, and the most beautiful women from Soochow."
(3) Line 41 : Kylin (or Chinese unicorn). Frank Davis, Illustrated London News, March 7, 1931. "It has the body of a stag, with a single horn, the tail of a cow, horses's hoofs, a yellow belly, and hair of five colours."
Sekundärliteratur
1971-1972
David Happell Hsin-Fu Wand : "Nine nectarines" was originally entitled "Nine nectarines and other porcelain". The might have gained her knowledge of the kylin not only through the Illustrated London news but also through her coinnoisseurship of Chinese porcelain. Moore introduces to her American readers a familiar symbol in classical Chinese art, 'the nectuarine-loving kylin, better known to the Chinese as the qilin, the fabulous beast resembles the Chinese dragon in its appearance. That the kylin is gentle evene benevolent is attested by a description in the Shi jing. Because a kylin 'was seen just before the birth of Confucius', it is regarded as a personal emblem of Confucius.
1995
Lina Unali : The poem is an appreciation of Chinese culture, of Chinese porcelain, of the objects painted on it, of their significance. At the root of Moore's inspiration there is always a need to communicate a dynamic discovery of new values objectified in natural elements and in artefacts, the products of artistic of literary creation. Her attitude is fully positive, surprised, enchanted.
1999
Cynthia Stamy : Moore used only a single Chinese word, in 'Nine nectarines' referring to the 'yu' peach to which the Chinese attribute longevity and life-saving qualities. If she did not understand the fundamentals of pronunciation of the Chinese language, then it is likely that this syllable functioned for her as a proper noun or as and adjective.
2003
Qian Zhaoming : In June 1934, when Moore sent her poem Nine nectarines to 'Poetry' to be published together with The Buffalo, she offered the title 'Imperious ox, imperial dish' for both pieces. Evidently she was aware that her objet d'art adorned with a nectarine or peach motif was once a dish reserved in China for imperial use. Her image goes beyond a single picture to include features of several peach motifs on Ming-Qing wares.
2006
Victoria Bazin : In Nine nectarines the dialectic of the exotic and the everyday is embedded in the Chinese porcelain plate or, more specifically, the image depicted by the Chinese artist on the plate. The poem is a tribute to the art of the Chinese, then in terms of its sources, it becomes possible to trace the exotic back to its everyday origins. The poem reinforces 'china' as a site of exotic difference by repeatedly pointing to its own difficulties in translating this ancient art into its own Western terms. The attempt to translate pictures into words is compared to the attempts of the Western speaker to understand the inscrutable culture of the Orient. Subjects, verbs and conjunctives are excluded from a language intent on reproducing itself as a materially dense and complex moment rather than a sequential narrative. Yet the poem falters frequently in its attempt to imitate its graphic counterpart. In spite of itself, it offers information that refers to narrative sequence and chronology noting that the nectarines grow 'on twigs that grew the year before'. The art of the Chinese becomes not a form of enquiry or 'observation' but a distillation of something ancient, mystical and ultimately untranslatable. The accuracy of the Chinese artist's representational scene is linked rhetorically to the peach, the fruit that, according to Chinese lore, 'cannot aid the dead, but eaten in time prevents death'. Moore's poem is inscribed by the desire, producing an idealized image of Chinese art that is unfathomable and therefore beyond the reach of modernity's rationalizing processes. 'China' represents a Western and distinctly modernist fantasy of ideological immunity, signaling both the desire for and the impossibility of art forms 'untouched' by modernity. The attempt to resist co-opting 'China' to maintain its otherness, its distinctiveness from the Western imagination only serves to reveal the extent to which it is not 'a Chinese who imagined this masterpiece'.

1935
Moore, Marianne. Half deity. In : Direction ; no. 1 (Jan.-March 1935).
Defeated but encouraged by each new gust
of wind, forced by the summer sun to plant,
she stands on rug-soft grass ; though some are not
permitted to gaze informally
on majesty in such a manner as she
is gazing here.
Moore, Marianne. Note to Half deity in What are years (1941).
The note cites an interview by Edmund Gillian : 'Meeting the Emperor Pu Yi' (New York Sun ; no 1, Dec. 1934) and Pu Yi's remark : 'It is not permitted'.
Sekundärliteratur
Cynthia Stamy : The half deity is also 'half worm' – a butterfly. The poem takes on a parallel significance, reflecting on the unnatural restrictions which imperial life in China imposed.

1941
Moore, Marianne. He "Digesteth Harde Yron". In : Partisan review ; vol. 8, no 4 (1941).
He "Digesteth Harde Yron"
…in S¬like foragings as he is
preening the down on his leaden-¬skinned back.
The egg piously shown
as Leda's very own
from which Castor and Pollux hatched,
was an ostrich¬ egg. And what could have been more fit
for the Chinese lawn it
grazed on as a gift to an
emperor who admired strange birds, than this
one who builds his mud-made
nest in dust yet will wade
in lake or sea till only the head shows.

1941
Moore, Marianne. Smooth gnarled crape myrtle. In : Moore, Marianne. The collected poems. (New York, N.Y. : Viking Press, 1941).
A brass-green bird with grass-
green throat smooth as a nut springs from
twig to twig askew, copying the
Chinese flower piece – business-like atom
in the stiff- leafed tree's blue-
pink dregs-of-wine pyramids
of mathematic
circularity…
as in the acrobat Li Siau Than,
gibbon-like but limberer,
defying gravity,
nether side arched up,
cup on head not upset –
China's very most ingenious man.

1951
Moore, Marianne. Critics and connoisseurs. In : Moore, Marianne. Collected poems. (New York, N.Y. ; Macmillan, 1951).
There is a great amount of poetry in unconscious fastidiousness. Certain Ming
products, imperial floor coverings of coach-
wheel yellow, are well enough in their way but I have seen something
that I like better…

1956
Moore, Marianne. Logic and "the magic flute". In : Moore, Marianne. Like a bulwark. (New York, N.Y. : Viking Press, 1956).
Up winding stair,
here, where, in what theater lost ?
was I seeing a ghost –
a reminder at least
of a sunbeam or moonbeam
that has not a waist ?
by hasty hop
or accomplished mishap,
the magic flute and harp
somehow confused themselves
with China's precious wentletrap…

1956
Moore, Marianne. Tom Fool at Jamaica. In : Moore, Marianne. Like a bulwark. (New York, N.Y. : Viking Press, 1956).
"Chance is a regrettable impurity."
Sekundärliteratur
David Hsin-Fu Wand : Marianne Moore has the habit of quoting from other writers, including such lines from the Yi jing.

1959
Moore, Marianne. O to be a dragon. (New York, N.Y. : Viking Press, 1959).
If I, like Solomon, …
could have my wish –
my wish … O to be a dragon,
a symbol of the power of Heaven – of silkworm
size or immense ; at times invisible.
Felicitous phenomenon !
Note : Dragon : see secondary symbols, Volume II of The Tao of Painting, translated and edited by Mai-mai Sze, Bollingen Series 49 (New York : Pantheon, 1956 ; Modern Library edition, p. 57).
Sekundärliteratur
1972
David Happell Hsin-Fu Wand : Moore was appropriating a symbol commonly found in both classical Chinese art and literature. For the dragon as a symbol in her poetry is not the evil Occidental dragon, it is the benevolent Chinese dragon which befriends the people, and especially the framers, to whom it brings rain and fertile crops. Moore's wish 'to be a dragon' is an invocation to 'the power of heaven' to help her become adaptable or flexible in her own writing. Although she uses the symbol of the Chinese dragon, she does not sound like any classical Chinese poet. This is because the form and rhythm of her poem are idiosyncratically Moore's and do not bear the slightest resemblance to those of any Chinese poem. She utilized the Chinese symbol to serve her own purpose, since she harnesses the Chinese dragon as her muse in her poetic journey.
1995
Lina Unali : Moore describes the mythical animal of the Chinese tradition as a symbol of power and expresses her wish to identify with it. The meaning of the poem is to be found in the relationship between two different artistic and intellectual experiences, both acquired by the poet, that of the Chinese iconographic tradition and of Taoism as expounded by Chinese masters such as Laozi and Zhuangzi. In Moore the dragon became the emblem of a multiplicity of elements that she probably felt Western culture had not been able convincingly to produce though most of her favourite animals shared some of the traits of the Chinese dragon. In her poetic imagination the dragon's power lies in the immense number of its often contrasting all-positive capacities. The dragon is interpreted by Moore as a powerful symbol of all beneficent tendencies, of all vitality, beauty, respect for human life, elevation, power on earth and in the heavens.
1999
Cynthia Stamy : Moore chose from among several species of a dragon the 'long' dragon, a bringer of rain and a whimsical spirit of changeable aspect.

1962
Moore, Marianne. Blue bug. In : The New Yorker ; May 26 (1962).
… bug brother to an Arthur
Mitchell dragonfly,
speeding to left,
speeding to right ; reversible,
like "turns in an ancient Chinese
melody, a thirteen
twisted silk-string three-finger solo".
There they are, Yellow River-scroll accuracies.

1966
Moore, Marianne. Tell me, tell me. (New York, N.Y. : Viking Press, 1966).
… It appeared : gem, burnished rarity
and peak of delicacy –
in contrast with grievance touched off on
any ground – the absorbing
geometry of a fantasy :
a James, Miss Potter, Chinese
"passion for the particular", of a
Tired man who yet, at dusk,
Cut a masterpiece of cerise…
  • Document: Moore, Marianne. The complete poems of Marianne Moore. (New York, N.Y. : Macmillan, Viking Press ; London : Faber and Faber, 1967).
    http://ptchanculto.binhoster.com/books/-Lit-%20Recommended%20Reading/
    Female%20Writers/Marianne_Moore_Complete_Poems.pdf
    . (Moo1, Publication)
  • Document: Wand, David Hsin-fu. The dragon and the kylin : the use of Chinese symbols and myths in Marianne Moore's poetry. In : Literature East and West, vol. 15 (1971). (Moo6, Publication)
  • Document: Wand, David Happell Hsin-fu [Wang, David Rafael]. Cathay revisited : the Chinese tradition in the poetry of Ezra Pound and Gary Snyder. (Los Angeles, Calif. : University of Southern California, 1972). Diss. Univ. of Southern California, 1972. S. 23, 26-28. (Pou97, Publication)
  • Document: Unali, Lina. Taoist concepts and Chinese imagery in the poetry of Marianne Moore. In : Tamkang review ; vol. 18, nos 1-4 (1987-1988). In : La memoria : annali della Facoltà di lettere e filosofia dell' Università di Palermo, 1995.
    http://www.sunmoonlake.net/oldsml/mariannemoore.html. (Moo4, Publication)
  • Document: Stamy, Cynthia. Marianne Moore and China : Orientalism and a writing of America. (Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1999). (Oxford English monographs). (Revision of author's thesis, University of Oxford). S. 31, 54-55, 67, 147, 188. (Moo2, Publication)
  • Document: Bazin, Victoria. "Just looking" at the everyday : Marianne Moore's exotic modernism. In : Modernist cultures ; vol. 2, issue 1 (2006).
    http://www.js-modcult.bham.ac.uk/articles/Issue3_Bazin.pdf. (Moo5, Publication)
  • Person: Moore, Marianne
18 1920 Marianne Moore visited the De Zayas Gallery, New York. A photograph of the Zayas Gallery catalogue of Chinese jades, bronzes, stones, and pottery exists in the Moore library.
19 1921 Stevens, Wallace. The snow man. In : Poetry ; vol. 19 (Oct. 1921).
Qian Zhaoming : Stevens makes a start at perceiving the thing itself in 'Thirteen ways'. It is in The snow man that he first succeeds in uniting the thing itself and the norhing.
20 1923 Stevens, Wallace. Six significant landscapes [ID D30307].
I
An old man sits
In the shadow of a pine tree
In China.
He sees larkspur,
Blue and white,
At the edge of the shadow,
Move in the wind.
His beard moves in the wind.
The pine tree moves in the wind.
Thus water flows
Over weeds.
II
The night is of the colour
Of a woman's arm:
Night, the female,
Obscure,
Fragrant and supple,
Conceals herself.
A pool shines,
Like a bracelet
Shaken in a dance.
III
I measure myself
Against a tall tree.
I find that I am much taller,
For I reach right up to the sun,
With my eye;
And I reach to the shore of the sea
With my ear.
Nevertheless, I dislike
The way ants crawl
In and out of my shadow.
IV
When my dream was near the moon,
The white folds of its gown
Filled with yellow light.
The soles of its feet
Grew red.
Its hair filled
With certain blue crystallizations
From stars,
Not far off.
V
Not all the knives of the lamp-posts,
Nor the chisels of the long streets,
Nor the mallets of the domes
And high towers,
Can carve
What one star can carve,
Shining through the grape-leaves.
VI
Rationalists, wearing square hats,
Think, in square rooms,
Looking at the floor,
Looking at the ceiling.
They confine themselves
To right-angled triangles.
If they tried rhomboids,
Cones, waving lines, ellipses --
As, for example, the ellipse of the half-moon --
Rationalists would wear sombreros.

Sekundärliteratur :
1972
David Happell Hsin-Fu Wand : Stevens' 'significant landscape' of the old Chinese in the pine shade projects the 'inner scene' of a man who is Taoist in his orientation through a careful selection of such details as the wind, the water, and the flowing beard. In the context of the poem, everything flows naturally – with the larkspur, the beard, and the pine tree moving in the wind and the water over the weeds. Stevens' choice of such traditional Chinese symbols in landscape paintings as the pine and the water is well justified in his poem. For the gnarled pine, a traditional symbol of longevity in Chinese paintings, underscores the 'venerable' age of the old man. The water image augments the theme of the fluidity of all living matter, as typified by the spontaneous movement of the larkspur, the pine, and the old man's beard in the wind.
1997
Qian Zhaoming : In this poem, Chinese landscape painting is represented in several ways by focus on a single point of sight ('An old man' gazing out forever at those gazing at him) ; by choice of subject of all that is most elemental in nature and in Chinese landscape painting ('a pine tree', 'larkspur', 'wind', 'water' and 'weeds', by reliance on a few simple strokes of description and by an almost monochrome tonality of gray and blue and white ('shadow' and 'blue and white') that is known to have dominated Chinese landscape painting in the eleventh to the fourteenth centuries. The poem, like the Chinese painting represents, portrays a single impression : consciousness of the unity of all created things. The style and sentiment presented a particular school – the Southern Song landscape painting. The work of this school is valued today especially for its power of illustrating obtuse and enigmatic aesthetic beliefs shared by Taoists and Chan Buddhists. One painting that matches Stevens' poem to the smallest detail is the handscroll 'A sage under a pine tree', a thirteenth-century imitation of a masterpiece attributed to Ma Yuan in the Metropolitan Museum of Art.
2003
Qian Zhaoming : If Chinese landscape painting aiming to communicate the spirit of Chan or the Dao has a traditional scene. First of all, the old man in Stevens's ekphrastic poem, as in the kind of Song landscape painting it endeavors to emulate, appears sitting in meditation, that is, in a state of active tranquility that opens the way to enlightenment. Second, the figure is shown to be perfectly in harmony with nature. Third, the flowing water in the scene is a perfect symbol of the Dao.
21 1923 In March and April Marianne Moore visited and revisited the Exhibition of Chinese paintings at the Metropolitan Museum of Fine Arts, New York, whose dragons, horses, buffaloes, and insects gave her a lesson on how seriously and artist might go about portraying nonhumans.

Letter from Marianne Moore to John Warner Moore ; March 25, 1923.
Tuesday we went to the Metropolitan with Mr. Wheeler to see the Chinese paintings. We pored over them, read the descriptions and made a complete survey of the collection. The animals were beautiful, a dragon appearing in a cloud, horses, water buffaloes and insects. There is a white falcon which as Mr. Wheeler said somewhat overrating it : 'it's like hammered silver'.

Letter from Marianne Moore to John Warner Moore ; April 8, 1923.
Yesterday we called on Mr. Faggi's friend, Miss Rubenstein, whom he asked us to call on about Christmas time. She was out and as she lives near the museum, we went over to look again at the Chinese paintings, stopping first to see the armor. One of the attendants took charge of us and discanted on history, armor making, the relative size of collections, the silk flags hanging from the roof and we were much benefitted.

Letter from Marianne Moore to Bryher ; May 5, 1923.
We have seen a loan exhibition of very old Chinese paintings at the Metropolitan, which would I think, interest you ; one of 'spirited horses' – a series of white horses with scarlet pompoms and smoky manes and tails ; one of a dragon in the clouds, concealed but for a few claws ; Enjoying the Breeze in a Fishing-Boat which made me think of the Oxford punt, and one of supremely delicate brush work called Herd Boys Returning Home in which two elderly peasants are mounted on water oxen upon whose skin whorls are indicated with minute brush strokes in a darker colour so blended as to be imperceptible except upon scrutiny. We also examined the manuscript of a poem on Wang Wei : 'He took ten days to paint a river and five days a rock. A masterpiece cannot be4 produced in haste or by pressure. It was after bestowing such pains as these that Wang Tsai allowed his work to remain. Powerful is the painting of the Fang Hu mountains of the Kuen Lun Range, and high it is hung on the spotless wall in the lofty hall of your mansion'. Since seeing the pictures, my only diversion has been the circus.
  • Document: Moore, Marianne. The selected letters of Marianne Moore. Bonnie Costello general editor. (New York, N.Y. : A.A. Knopf, 1997). S. 194, 196, 197. (Moo8, Publication)
  • Person: Moore, Marianne
22 1925-1969 Pound, Ezra. The cantos.
Sekundärliteratur allgemein
1972
David Happell Hsin-fu Wand : The role of Chinese mythology in Ezra Pound's Cantos :
1) It provides him with some of the major symbols of his Pisan Cantos and subsequent cantos.
2) It provides a further means of his emerging from his Purgatorio into his Paradiso.
3) It lends him a proper guide and a vision of heaven.
4) It makes the Cantos cohere.
Furthermore, it makes him forget his prejudice against Taoists and Buddhists, to whom he is indepted for the Chinese myths and symbols in The Cantos.

1976
Monika Motsch : Die organische, kosmische ('ideogrammatische') Denkweise, die Pound im Konfuzianismus bewunderte, wird weiter entwickelt und ist die Philosophie der Cantos. Der konfuzianische Kosmos – so wie ihn Pound auffasste – bildet den weitern Rahmen, in dem sich die Gestalten der Cantos bewegen, Odysseus und Konfuzius, die griechischen Götter und die Kaiser des chinesischen Altertums. Das Gegenthema von Kund und Eleusis ist Usura. Im Laufe der Cantos sammeln sie immer mehr Assoziationen um sich, die aus den verschiedensten Geschichtsepochen und Kulturen stammen : 'Kung' bezieht sich auch auf die Naturlyrik, die Yin- und Yang-Lehre und die frühe amerikanische Geschichte, 'Eleusis' auf die Hadesfahrt des Odysseus und die Götter Aphrodite und Dionysos. In den 'Pisan Cantos' formt sich aus den vieldeutigen gegensätzlichen Komponenten von 'Kung und Eleusis' für Augenblicke das visionäre Bild einer neuen Gesellschaft und Kultur. Die Philosophie der 'Cantos' ist viel stärker an China als am Western orientiert. Die Natur ist das Grundelement.

1988
Chang Yao-hsin : Pound saw no effective cure in Christianity for the disease of his times. He even lost faith in the value of Greek literature and philosophy. When he turned East, he found a messiah in Confucius, who enunciated 'the principle of the good' and the medicine for the disease of the West in his Ta hio. Confucius, Pound believed, could enlighten and civilize the barbarous Occident. The wisdom of the Confucian classic Da xue was, as he saw it, not yet exhausted and indeed inexhaustible. Order and tranquility come from enlightened rule, and two salient features of Confucian enlightened rule are equitable distribution of wealth and light taxation. These ideals constitute the thematic concerns of the Chinese cantos.
A major thematic concern in The cantos is the treatment of usury, which takes up an enormous amount of space.

1997
Mary Paterson Cheadle : Pound's adaptation of the ideogrammic method for poetic use in The cantos stems as much from his attention to the essentialness of verbal motion and the priority of concrete particulars as from his care for the forceful juxtaposition of words and lines. A respect for individuality is what Pound found most essential to Confucianism initially.
The cantos are an enormous tapestry, a 'Guernica' of the compendious fields of study that Pound entered, with little apparent trepidation, over the fifty years or more of his career : not only China and Confucianism, but Ovidian and Homeric polytheism ; Renaissance Italy, medieval Provence, and Neoplatonic light philosophy ; nineteenth- and twentieth-century America and modern Europe. The Pisan cantos are the work of a poet who is watching his life pass before his eyes because he sees the life of the vision he hoped for suddenly draining away. After 1945, the West for Pound was barren of paradise or it was content with mockeries and imitations. The cantos are a record of this movement through hell and purgatory, toward and away from paradise. But in respect to Pound's Confucianism they are an incomplete record. The greatest influence of Confucianism in The cantos begins in the Pisan cantos, because they were written at the same time, in fact in the same notebooks, as Pound's translations into English of his original Italian versions of The great diegest and The unwobbling pivot. By the time of Rock-drill and Thrones, Pound had completed The analects and The classic anthology defined by Confucius. There are therefore many more Confucian references in these later cantos than in the earlier cantos. The Confucian elements of the China cantos derive not from the Book of history or any of the other Confucian classics but from De Mailla's Histoire générale de la Chine. Rock-drill cantos are written on the basis of the Shu jing, Thrones are gleaned from an eighteenth-century Confucian document. Mengzi is an important source for cantos LXXVII, LXXXVII, LXXXIII, LXXXVIII and XCIV.
Many Confucian concepts are presented in the form of Chinese words or phrases. Especially when they are printed large, these words are visually striking and contribute dramatically to the sculptural effect of Pound's free verse. Too much attention to the visual, often spectacular nature of The cantos' characters can obscure their most important property : the specific, concrete nature of their definitions according to Pound, and the profound relevance, he was convinced, of those significations to the West.
What is more important for Pound in the China cantos than the attaching of any generalizable significance to women in Chinese history is the establishing of the centrality of sound economics in the great Confucian periods of Chinese history. Many of the emperors are portrayed as having been great not only because of their sound economic policies but because of the reverence for 'heaven' and the spirits of ancestors that they show through proper observance of ritual.
Like the importance of study, the importance of teaching is implied everywhere in The cantos, the central purpose of which is not only to record modern history but even more, to lead the West toward 'a paradiso terrestre'.

2003
Sun Hong : The Cantos is a manifesto in which Pound proclaims Confucianism as a 'medicine' for the ills of Western civilization. What the poet discovers in Confucianism is not merely a few abstruse philosophical formulas. For him truth exists in harmony and order, in the concrete beauty of this world, an elegance revealed by Confucian canons, particularly those in the Confucian classics. In the Cantos Pound endeavors to present his discovery of this cosmos of truth and beauty. By calling the Cantos 'a long poem', Pound made clear that he was not interested in the rules of an epic. He was aware of the lack of epic quality. Critics have called the Cantos a 'colossal failure', a 'gigantic mess', without any 'major form'. For Pound, order is synonymous with beauty. In his effort to forge this beauty out of chaos, he is unlike other poets who go back only to Homer, trying to evolve and order out of this mythological tradition. Pound pushes his frontier far beyond that point, both in time and space. For him, the frontier is on the other hemisphere, in China, whose civilization of greater antiquity. This nation has shown unusual power of survival, absorbing all foreign influences without losing its own identity. In this ancient culture Pound sees Confucianism.
Pound aptly uses ancient Chinese mythology and history as illustrations. His adoption of the Confucian standpoint of history also coincides with his turning away from his early idea of the epic as a 'beautiful story' to his later definition of it as 'a poem including history'. This shift reflects his commitment to what he previously referred to as 'the modern world'. The scope of a traditional epic should be altered and extended to suit modernism. Pound's aim is to create a new model for the new world.

2003
Britton Gildersleeve : Scholars have dealt with elements of the mystic within The cantos. Almost all seem to privilege Western mythologies even when treating Eastern materials. This is especially evident in their analyses of Kuanon [Guanyin], who figures in a number of the Cantos. For Pound, Kuanon – in addition to her traditional functions within the Buddhist pantheon – is a female figure who eludes easy delineation, one who draws upon a legacy of androgyny and Orientalist perspectives to become daughter, mother, wife, and lover in a feminine ideogram that ultimately partakes of both Eleusinian and Eastern mysticism. Juxtaposing various elements of the feminine, Kuanon is the enigma at the heart of Pound's flawed journey-quest toward mystic union with the divine. In general Pound is no fan of Buddhism. When he mentions it in the Cantos, it is almost always with negative inflection. It is not the ultimate spiritual objectives of Buddhism that Pound satirizes, it is both the abuses of power to which no systematized religion is immune, and perhaps more critically, Buddhism's goal of nonattachment to everyday affairs. Given Pound's 'constant concern for good government', Buddhism's emphasis on the transience and unimportance of the temporal and worldly – in contrast to Confucianism's focus on the sociopolitical matrix – is, for him, unacceptable. He couples Buddhism with maternity and infantilism, with decadence and corruption, with emasculation in both the literal and figurative senses of the term. This negative feminization of Buddhism differs from his handling of the Buddha himself. The inference is that the Buddha does have the power to awaken, that his name is deserved.
Pound sees parallels between Buddhism and Christianity that are incompatible with his own political agenda. Unlike his views of either Buddhism or Christianity, Pound sees Confucianism as predicated on right behavior in social context, in contrast to Buddhism's major element of nonattachment. He view Confucianism as more logical and useful for his own project : to critique the spiritual excesses he sees in Christianity and Christian states. 'The ethic of Confucius and Mencius', Pound notes, may be used 'to better advantage' with 'Occidentals than may Buddhism', while Confucianism better 'serves as a road map through the forests of Christian theology'.

Canto XIII (1930)
Kung walked
by the dynastic temple
and into the cedar grove,
and then out by the lower river.
And with him Khieu, Tchi
and Tian the low speaking
And "we are unknown", said Kung,
"You will take up charioteering ?
Then you will become known,
"Or perhaps I should take up charioteering, or archery ?
"Or the practice of public speaking ?"
And Tseu-lou said, "I would put the defences in order",
And Khieu said, "If I were lord of a province
I would put it in better order than this is".
And Tchi said, "I would prefer a small mountain temple,
"With order in the observances,
with a suitable performance of the ritual",
And Tian said, with his hand on the strings of his lute
The low sounds continuing
after his hand left the strings,
And the sound went up like smoke, under the leaves,
And he looked after the sound :
"The old swimming hole,
"And the boys flopping off the planks,
"Or sitting in the underbrush playing mandolins".
And Kung smiled upon all of them equally.
And Thseng-sie desired to know :
"Which had answered correctly? "
And Kung said, "They have all answered correctly,
"That is to say, each in his nature".
And Kung raised his cane against Yuan Jang,
Yuan Jang being his elder,
For Yuan Jang sat by the roadside pretending to be receiving wisdom.
And Kung said `
"You old fool, come out of it,
Get up and do something useful.''
And Kung said
"Respect a child's faculties
"From the moment it inhales the clear air,
"But a man of fifty who knows nothing
Is worthy of no respect.''
And "When the prince has gathered about him
"All the savants and artists, his riches will be fully employed.''
And Kung said, and wrote on the bo leaves:
If a man have not order within him
He can not spread order about him;
And if a man have not order within him
His family will not act with due order;
And if the prince have not order within him
He can not put order in his dominions.
And Kung gave the words "order''
and "brotherly deference''
And said nothing of the "life after death.''
And he said
"Anyone can run to excesses,
"It is easy to shoot past the mark,
"It is hard to stand firm in the middle.''
And they said : If a man commit murder
Should his father protect him, and hide him?
And Kung said :
He should hide him.
And Kung gave his daughter to Kong-Tchang
Although Kong-Tchang was in prison.
And he gave his niece to Nan-Young
although Nan-Young was out of office.
And Kung said "Wan ruled with moderation,
"In his day the State was well kept,
And even I can remember
A day when the historians left blanks in their writings,
I mean, for things they didn't know,
But that time seems to be passing."
A day when the historians left blanks in their writings,
But that time seems to be passing.''
And Kung said, "Without character you will
be unable to play on that instrument
Or to execute the music fit for the Odes.
The blossoms of the apricot
blow from the east to the west,
And I have tried to keep them from falling."
Sekundärliteratur zu Canto XIII
1976
Monika Motsch : Canto XIII richtet zum ersten Mal den Blick voll auf Konfuzius. Dieser Canto besteht fast vollständig aus Zitaten des Lun yu, Zhong yong, Da xue und Mengzi. Der Satzbau ist klar und einfach und besteht meist aus aneinandergereihten, häufig parallelen Hauptsätzen. Niemals werden die Sätze elliptisch verkürzt und die Verben weggelassen, wie dies in den ersten Cantos häufig geschah. Die vielen Wiederholungen schaffen eine Analogie zu der im Grunde einfachen und unkomplizierten Lehre des Konfuzius. Der häufigste Zeilenbeginn ist die reihende Partikel 'and'. Sie verbindet die isoliert dastehenden Aphorismen und schafft zwischen ihnen sozusagen 'gleichzeitige' Zusammenhänge. Das Bild, das Pound von der konfuzianischen Lehre entwirft, ist stellenweise zu sehr von der Aufklärung beeinflusst. Vor allem aber wird das Prinzip 'Ordnung' überbetont, ein Begriff, der bei Konfuzius niemals vorkommt, währen in Wirklichkeit 'Humanität' die Leitidee von Konfuzius ist.
1988
Chang Yao-hsin : Canto 13 shines with the light of Confucius. Confucianism undergoes a rigorous process of 'telegraphic abbreviation', so much so that, to those who know little about and share none of his faith in Confucianism, Pound is indeed offering platitudes for profound verities. But he manages to keep the quintessence of Confucianism intact. The canto begins with a lyric representation of Confucius, chatting at leisure with his disciples, which is a way of presenting Confucius's ideal of harmony. Pound also touched in this canto upon Confucius's doctrine of the mean and upon his call for moderation, radical and extreme to a fault. Pound felt that humanity deserves better than it gets, and it deserves the best. He saw a chaotic world that needed setting to rights and a humanity, suffering from spiritual dearth and cosmic injustice, who needed to be saved.
1997
Mary Paterson Cheadle : Pound's translation of Canto XIII based on Pauthier's La grand etude, L’invariabilité dans le milieu et Les entretiens philosophiques.
A distrust of elders and rulers and a respect for individuality is not all Canto XIII offers in its presentation of Confucianism, what became increasingly important to Pound was Confucianism's social and political orientation and its concern for 'order'.
2003
Qian Zhaoming : Pound's infatuation with China is infatuation with both Chinese art and Chinese poetry. In inventing his Confucius in Canto 13, he cannot but open and close in a fashion that recalls at one Chinese painting and Cathay. Confucian maxims in translation tend to be disturbingly elusive. Working his way through Pauthier's Confucius, Pound is bound to represent only what he can appreciate. There are a number of factors contributing to his selection decisions. Of these, the Chinese pictures stand out in his memory. It is inappropriate to overemphasize their impact, and it is also inappropriate to underestimate it. Just as Chinese poets and artists can alternate between Confucianism and Daoism, so Pound, influenced by them, can take advantage of both philosophies. In The cantos, Pound does return again and again to a Confucian theme. Nonetheless, the aesthetic sensibility that threads through the poem is in accord with Daoist ideals.

Canto XLV (1937)
http://www.poetryfoundation.org/poem/241052.
Sekundärliteratur
1976
Monika
Motsch : Die drei Leitmotive Kung, Eleusis und Usura treten in den Vordergrund. Jedoch haben sie sich verwandelt und weiterentwickelt. Usura vernichtet nicht nur alle konfuzianischen Werte, sondern auch die Kraft von Eleusis.

Canto XLIX (1937)
For the seven lakes.
http://www.poetryarchive.org/poetryarchive/singlePoem.do?poemId=7168.
Sekundärliteratur
1928
Qian
Zhaoming : Pound got a fourteen-fold screen book with Chinese and Japanese ideograms from his aunt. It consists of eight ink paintings, eight poems in Chinese and eight poems in Japanese, mutually representing eight classic scenes about the shores of the Xiao and Xiang rivers in Hunan. Pound was not able to decipher the eight Chinese poems drawn in three calligraphic styles.
Zeng Baosun offered Pound a translation of eight Chinese poems that contributed to Canto XLIX. A transcript of Zeng's oral translation has been found in an unmailed letter Pound worte to his father. From Zeng, Pound have learned everything about China's tradition of 'making pictures and poems on that set of scenes'.
Pound's sourcebook represents a Far Eastern tradition of making pictures and poems side by side on a theme of great masters. Pound inserts a version of the eight views in the middle of his modernist epic. The subject is a monument of Chinese culture, and example of how poets and artists in China have continuously made an old theme new. All remarkable copies of the views have been accepted as such because of their originality. For Pound modernism also demands originality, originality allowing him to interweave texts and make statements about history and politics.
1976
Monika Motsch : Es entsteht das Bild einer harmonisch geordneten Gesellschaft und die konfzianische Lehre wird Teil einer grossen Kosmologie. Der Canto beginnt mit fragmentarischen, chinesischen Gedichten, die von Daniel D. Pearlman in The barb of time identifiziert wurden. Nicht der Mensch und seine Gefühle stehen im Vordergrund, sondern der Kreislauf der Natur, Himmel, Wolken, Bäume und Wasser. Die Naturbilder sind einfach und genau und deuten einen Abschied an, bei dem individuelle Gefühle völlig unausgesprochen bleiben.

The Chinese history cantos LII-LXI (1940)
Notebooks of Ezra Pound
32 LIII-LIV, 282, 31 Earliest times to the Chin dynasty, 399 AD
33 LIV, 282, 32-LVI, 306, 18 Early fifth century AD to mid-Mongol era, 1347 AD
34 LVI, 306, 19-LX, 331, 22 Mid-Mongol era to mid-Ch'ing dynasty, 1717 AD
35 LX, 331, 23-LXI to end Mid-Ch'ing, 1717, to mid-reign of Ch'ien-lung, 1780 AD
Sekundärliteratur
1970
Akiko Miyake : The whole of Cantos LII-LXXI can be interpreted either as actual Chinese history and the life and works of John Adams or as some intricate patterns formed by Chinese and Greek-American paideuma, or as some lovely images which the interactions of the divine light and accidental shadows produce. The Chinese people attempt to return to the golden age of the legendary emperors, Yao and Shun, by destroying the corrupt ruler and thus resurrecting the national paideuma, so that one can call this war paidumatically a revival of national life. One of Pound's aims was to liberate the Platonic essence of beauty and knowledge from the poet's own psyche, from its time-bound situation in the poet's historical memory, in order to realize man's eternal state of mind, a paradise. He associated social order in the Chinese state with the divine order which Erigena's heavenly light formed in its own self-division.
Canto LII describes the official calendar of the Chinese empire, established in the reign of Yao (B.C. 2356) or Shun (B.C. 2255).
Canto LIII : on my interpret the canto as Pound's description the division of the heavenly light, passing from the age of rituals to the age of ideals.
The rest of the Chinese history cantos can be interpreted as the cyclic repetitions of the renewal of the established culture at more or less regular intervals. Pound's study of Mencius probably helped him much to understand how the Chinese people attributed such renewal of the national life to good rulers' observance of Confucian philosophy.
In Canto LIV one finds the cycling and reappearing of the heaven-begotten light, the Canto can be regarded as the description of the light returning to its origin and bringing the people to a more original form of Metamorphosis. Destructive and constructive elements form intricate patterns of history through minor dynasties, between the fall of Tang the and rise of Song.
Canto LVI makes a recapitulation of the cycling patterns of history.
In Canto LVII Pound suggests that Ming turned out to be a very dubious phoenix in Chinese history.
In Canto LIX Pound shows how the Manchurian emperors were serious in their following of the Confucian paideuma of China, so that their force marched on 'spreading light on proceeding'.
Canto LX celebrates the golden age Kang Hi brought back to China. The frontier land in the West was pacified by the expedition of the emperor, who observed the sun as Yao did.
Canto LXI can be read as showing the final return of the light to its original forms

1976
Monika Motsch : Die Verbindung von 'Kung und Eleusis' taucht nicht nur in den konfuzianischen Übersetzungen häufig auf, sondern bestimmt auch die Struktur der Cantos. Zwischen dem Mythos von Eleusis und der altchinesischen Idealfigur des Königs Wen entdeckt Pound gemeinsame Berührungspunkte. Im Gegensatz zu James Legge erweitert Pound den Text und stellt die Humanität des Königs durch einzelne Handlungen und präzise Umschreibungen lebendig dar.
Pound versucht die konfuzianische Lehre an geschichtlichen Beispielen darzustellen. Dies gelingt ihm jedoch nur sehr unvollkommen ; die gleichen Ideen werden in ständiger Wiederholung vorgetragen, vor allem die Abneigung der konfuzianischen Herrscher, die sich auf Kosten des Volkes bereichern. Alle Nichtkonfuzianer, schlechte Kaiser, Taoisten und Buddhisten werden attackiert. Die Konfuzianer dagegen werden gepriesen und über ihre Fehler, Pedanterie, starres Festhalten an Traditionen, wird geschweigt. Man bekommt den Eindruck, dass die Konfuzianer in China eine glückliche Harmonie des ganzen Volkes bewirken, und es nur den üblen Machenschaften der Taoisten und Buddhisten zu verdanken war, dass dieses Paradies immer wieder zerstört wurde. Pound hat das Vorurteil von Mailla, Joseph-Anne-Marie de Moyriac de. Histoire générale de la Chine ziemlich kritiklos übernommen.
Die chinesischen Cantos setzen ein mit Zitaten aus dem 4. Kapitel des Li ji. Noch stärker als die Szenen haben die im Text verstreuten chinesischen Schriftzeichen eine übergreifende Funktion. Sie beginnen mit dem Zeichen 'Licht, Glanz'. Das Zeichen 'Ruhe' gibt ein Gefühl der Harmonie. Die folgenden Ideogramme machen vor allem die Kraft der konfuzianischen Tradition deutlich, indem sie die Kaiser Yao, Shun und Yu, die Xia und die Zhou-Dynastie und Konfuzius selbst mehrfach hervorheben.

1983
John Driscoll : There are many occasions in the China cantos where Pound used his sources extensively, but expressed them in ways which better fitted his aims than could be achieved by using gallicisms. Canto LII is unique in the China cantos in as much as it contains no material taken from Mailla's Histoire générale de la Chine, and in the case of the first page and a half, is not composed from any particular source. As such, the canto merits an individual chapter since its material is quite unlike that of the other cantos in the sequence and functions as a preface to the chronological history of China that follows in Cantos 53 to 61. The narrative techniques that Pound employs in Canto 52 are ones that he also employs when presenting the history sequence in subsequent cantos. There is more on usury, this time linked to Catholicism. This predominating ideology, a European equivalent to Confucianism, is a suitable contrast to the Chinese success story that is to follow in Cantos 53-61. The symbols of our prevailing ideology from medieval Europe are empty. The contrast between Canto 52 and 53 to 61 shows evidence of Pound exploiting contemporary ideas on the difference between 'primitive' and 'historical' consciousness. Thus the Li Ki of Canto 52, stripped of some of its distracting imperial or hierarchical ritual, becomes more accessible to us and allows us to establish a synchronic base in Chinese culture for ourselves, before proceeding to the more diachronic material of 53-61. The narrative eases us into a relationship with the text so that when the fuller picture emerges of how unified ideas and actions were in Confucian China, we are brought up short by our awareness that this is lacking in our own culture. Another mediation of Couvreur's Li Ki is the change from a descriptive to a more prescriptive style.
The first few pages of Canto 53, on the early emperors, show the development of a 'textbook' style narrative. The archetypal or mythological aspects to the material in this narrative are foreign to Western readers, but this unexpected context helps us to reach the Chinese cultural unity that is represented in the pre-dynastic stage of Confucian historiography through the use of tonal irony. This draws readers into a Chinese modality for history writing where the past is always an object of meditation, followed by imitation or rejection. In this way, the narrative in Canto 53 has a basically 'Chinese' function for readers, despite its occasional Western frame of reference. One of the most important conclusions to be drawn from the study of Canto 53 is the acknowledgement of how flexible Pound's narrative techniques are, and how much this contributes to the success of the poem. There are clearly times when the narrative is on 'our' side looking at China, and other times when it faces the other way. We are led to accept a Chinese frame of reference including lyricism, unity, clarity of purpose, continuity and solidity – especially in cultural forms. A more objective narrative weaves in and out of Chinese symbolic patterns, never fully explaining them nor expressing them as it might if it were totally Chinese. Like other types of material presented in the poem, the selection of ritual has an accumulative effect. We 'pass through' the rituals as we read the poem, and they help us to frame later actions in a Confucian perspective.
In Canto 55 Pound devotes the most space to developing it in relation to the wider themes of Confucian order, harmony with nature and justice, continually recurring over the enormous time-span of Chinese dynastic history. Nearly all of the detail used to cover the period of this canto (805-1231 A.D.), is as usual taken from Histoire. That Pound chose to emphasize economic over moral or cultural aspects shows a sensitivity to the particular conflicts and interests of this period. The most important passage in the canto deals with the attempts by Ouang-ngan-ché to reform land ownership and taxation systems in the empire, which were the most significant events of this period outside the rise and fall of dynasties. Pound's presentation of the reforms is significantly different from Histoire's.
The fragmentary application of Confucian practicality over Taoist or Buddhist decadence represented at court by the eunuchs, is typical of this period as depicted in Histoire.
An important part of Pound's technique for using material from Histoire was the selection of detail, often of relatively minor importance in the context of the chronicle as a whole. The selected details were to function in the poem in a variety of ways, by no means always paralleling a similar function in Histoire. An important principle of selection was whether particular events or characters in history were interesting in the sensational or sentimental way of popular newspaper items, the so-called 'human interest' principle. That this should be felt in Pound's poetry from 1938-40 is hardly surprising, since for many years he had engaged in a cultural, political and economic journalism to crusade for the truth as he saw it. The cyclical Confucianism which runs through the whole sequence might satisfy those readers who look for ideological elements in historical poetry. Others might approach the same conclusions through a more popularistic or journalistic mode, responding to the vernacular 'gut' reactions of the poem's narrative or historical figures. Both Histoire and Pound could occasionally use human interest stories to develop more political themes.
The way Pound selected and presented detail for the decline of the Ming is a significant achievement in the China cantos. It is typical of the best descriptive passages in the whole sequence : selected vivid images shorn of their discursive context allowing wider movements in the poetry to be felt by the reader. The human interest principle, even when it exploits sentimentalism, is important in this context.
Pound actively enlivened his source Histoire by omitting irrelevant and largely repetitive and boring details of warfare and diplomacy. Within the limited space available, Pound took the right decision in exaggerating the Confucian qualities of his model emperors since the hierarchy he found of emperors who were perfect down to those who were worthless. The issue of whether Pond should or should not have included more material on non-Confucian forces in China such as popular revolts is not so much a question of his omitting material from Histoire. It is his projection of what he considered the Confucian approach to history onto the poem, which in turn reflects Histoire's general perspective. He clearly wanted to present Confucianism to the modern world stripped of some of its more unacceptable elements, such as the sacrificial or religious, yet with its base in Chinese mythology preserved.
'Western decay' as myth is challenged by the China cantos through Pound's attempt at raising our level of consciousness about world history and thus break out of the restrictions that living in the history of Western society has left with us.

1983
John J. Nolde : The basic themes appear over and over in Pound's lines : the ancient legends of the invention of agriculture and of writing ; the channeling of the floods ; the defense of the frontier ; the evils of pernicious doctrines, especially Buddhism and Taoism ; earthquakes, eclipses, comets and the appearance of fabulous animals ; the beat-like, repetitive recounting of the rise and fall of dynasties. Above all there was the constant concern for good government. For millennia the Confucian view held that unless a ruler and his officials were concerned with virtuous rule and the welfare of their people, they and their dynasty were doomed, the 'Mandate of Heaven' would be withdrawn, and the mantle of leadership passed to more vigorous, and virtuous, leaders. The nexus of the problem was usually economic, and the neo-Confucianists made much of the need for equitable taxes, effective public works, and high agricultural productivity.

2008
Li Qingjun : Cantos LII-LXI emphasize that Chinese history, because it was firmly rooted in Confucian morality yet in spite of periodic set-backs, always kept alive a tradition of what it meant to have responsible government and healthy human relationships. For Pound, these ordering norms were to be found in Confucianism, as expressed in the Da yue and the Lun yu. Pound's Cantos is a morality tale. In canto after canto, Pound holds up the mirror in which Western readers can see both the frailty and potential of their civilization. In the 'China cantos', Pound shows how China's past proves the adage that history is ideas put into action. It is the nobility of Confucian ideals that Pound admires and recommends. From Pound's point of view, politicians and statesmen had not made a difference in the stability of Western culture through reason and government machinations. Pound thought that perhaps a poet could hold up a mirror that would reveal the answers that lay in Confucianism and reflect to the readers of his era the moral truths he found in Chinese history. For Pound, China, by means of its Confucian-based ideology, should shed light and enlightenment on the rest of the world. The Chinese written character as a medium for poetry not only influenced Pound to his ideogrammic method but also led him to the firm conviction that the West could not ignore Chinese history and culture because there was much to learn from it.
In Canto XIII Pound embedded Confucius' action in Asian culture ; in the numerous temples that have edified people's minds, generation after generation ; in the forest that connects people to nature, and in the river that washes away the dirt from people's minds and then nurtures and nourishes the healthy growth of the good seed in their hearts. In contrast to his expression of the disorder and twisted desires that have led to war in the West and caused its disillusionment and deterioration, Pound's view of Confucius was filled with compliments and admiration. From the Analects Pound used the episode of Confucius asking his disciples what they will do, since no officials seemed to be asking them for advice. He rewrote the passage to have Confucius encourage each of his disciples to follow his own nature. He offered Confucius's reminder that only the ruler who knows how to control himself and practice internal stillness of desires can bring order to his country.
Pound's use of Chinese characters in The cantos is an illustration of his skill as an imagist who used visual poetry to mirror history. The characters are not merely the replication of Chinese characters ; instead, they are pictures shown in the poetic mirror, layering the meanings in the linguistic text itself, and becoming a part of the poems' references and allusions. Pound turned Chinese characters into pictures and used them to represent concrete ideas. Most characters he chose are not pictograms – they do not actually portray concrete objects, but they are ideograms communicating more than a word, often an entire sentiment or philosophical truth. He used a visual image as his imprimatur of Confucian authenticity to indicate what constitutes good leadership and a society in which individuals could flourish. He noticed as well that leaders in Chinese history who did not find ways to make Confucius's teachings new invariably implemented changes that brought destruction. Pound held up a mirror to China's long history to show how Confucian values, when appropriated for each new age, may stabilize the political system and allow the individual to flourish. He never tried to write a strictly objective history of China. Instead, he offered Confucian values as a model for society and human relationships.

2010
Roslyn Joy Ricci : In Cantos LII-LXI Pound uses forty-eight Chinese characters to further promote his ideogrammic method. These sections demonstrate Pound's first serious use of Chinese characters as signifiers ; provide examples of his ideogrammic method in alphabet poetry ; and offer a unique opportunity to observe his approach to recording Chinese myths, legends, and history. The cantos are a synopsis of Chinese history from 2837 BCE to 1735 CE. They illustrate how he uses characters to sculpt, balance, and situate meaning in time and space. Acting as visual aesthetics they 'break down syntax and interrupt the linearity of traditional reading. Analysis reveals Pound's ability to juxtapose elements of different languages as 'collage-text', utilizing their unique properties so that each contributes to a poetic communication of maximum efficiency, creating a new poetic method within Western literary discourse.
Pound does not use Chinese characters as mere enhancers. He carefully chooses where and how his poetry can deliver compounding images for readers of European languages along with Chinese characters for the same purpose.
Pound's search for poetic expression – inspired by the idea of ideogrammic communication but constrained by phonocentric language – results in an idiosyncratic synthesis of Chinese poetic style with twentieth century Imagist poetry.

Adams cantos LXII-LXXI (1940)
Sekundärliteratur
1967
Noel Stock : The Chinese history demonstrate how things run smoothly when rulers and people obey the Confucian 'law', and fall apart when they neglect it. John Adams depict a wise, Confucian-type ruler in action in the American colonies and early United States. An assertion or denial of the connexion between China Adams can hardly be proved, in any strict sense ; unless we go into the matter much more fully than Pound as. Even if it could be proved historically or philosophically, which Pound does not begin to do, either in the Cantos or elsewhere in his writings, there is still the question of poetry : is the connexion conveyed poetically ? Here we are force to say definitely not.
These cantos contain references to some of Pound's main economic ideas and continue to develop earlier themes. If we take Pound seriously, it may be argued, we must take seriously his history, even if only to whose sometimes how bad it is. But this presupposes a set of condition which does not exist. To take Pound seriously as an historian, to look up his sources, discuss them, is tantamount to giving nineteenth-century answers to a nineteenth-century question. This is justified when it is a case of exploring his own meaning, but we mut not confuse it with history. It would be different if Pound had shown himself a scholar.
The China cantos are not very useful as history, except if we want to get an idea of the sequence of dynasties. Pound's source de Mailla's Histoire générale, is a great work which holds an important place in the annals of western awareness of China. But, through de Mailla's fault, or his own, Pound's cantos do not even begein to register the feel of Chinese history – the rise and fall, the depths, the long periods of chaos, or the extent of monetary depreciation and counterfeiting. For the fact that in giving what he imagined to be an account of events and motives he was driven to formulate the monetary perceptions examined earlier.
The Adams section is a 'portrait' of John Adams in action in the flux of events. There is never any doubt where we are, or what we are doing, even when we may be ignorant of what Adams is talking about or the situation in which he is involved.
The main fault of the section is that it is much too long. Another is that Pound mixes two methods, which is always dangerous. One moment he uses straight reporting, the next a system of artificial chops and changes.
Sometimes in his zeal for monetary reform Pound may be inclined to misread Adam's mood or tone. Not that Adams's ideas on money are likely to meet with approval exactly from a present-day banker, or be welcomed altogether by Americans of conservative tehdency for whom he is one of their greatest thinkers. Pound is conscious of Adams's refusal to get het up unnecessarily about things he was powerless to alter, and this knowledge is embodied in his handling of the other's writings.
There are many Chinese signs and repetitions, but they are not of any real importance.
Pound tries in the Adam cantos to establish John Adams as a guardian of culture and fertility in America as Confucius was in China. He seems to argue that the only difference between Confucius and Adams is that the former, blessed with a more unified paideuma, transmitted the heavenly ray from the tradition, whereas the latter had to find the inherent virtù within his own mind. Pound's paralleling of Confucius and Adams is based on the poet's reading of Da xue that one can find the heavenly light when one looks straight into one's heart, so that Adams could inherit the light and certain Confucian concepts such as the importance of standing in the middle without ever reading Confucian classics.
1970
Akiko Miyake : In Canto LXIII Pound traced the early training of John Adams, seeking to understand how he grasped the 'luminous principle of reason' so firmly as to appeal to the unwritten power. As an apprentice lawyer, he started using correct terms for his law study, just as Confucius advised in the Analects.
1976
Monika Motsch : In den Adams cantos sind ebenfalls chinesische Schriftzeichen eingestreut. Adams kommt auf seiner Suche nach einer guten Gesellschaftsordnung zu ganz ähnlichen Ergebnissen wie Konfuzius. Auch bei Adams soll die Regierung den Bedürfnissen des Volkes Rechnung tragen, dem Wunsch nach Frieden, nach ausgeglichenen sozialen Verhältnissen und freier Ausübung der Künste.

The Pisan cantos LXXIV-LXXXIV (1948)
Sekundärliteratur
1976
Monika Motsch : Das Schlüsselwort der Pisan cantos ist 'Tao', das Pound wie in seinen konfuzianischen Übersetzungen durch 'Process' wiedergibt und mit seiner Lichtmetaphorik verbindet. Dieser 'Prozess' ist der Rhythmus der Erde, des Himmels und auch der wahre Weg der Menschen.
2003
Ronald Bush : Almost all of the Pisan cantos' fifty-odd sets of missing or garbled characters are excerpts that Pound copied out from The four books he had been allowed to carry to Pisa. After Pound finished his typescript, the characters were orphaned not once but several times. In the course of his composition he sent four separate fragments of his typescript to Dorothy Shakespear Pound. Dorothy then was to draw the Chinese characters. She was forced to locate the ideograms in Morrison's schematic chart of radicals. She wrote : "I have enjoyed working on the Ch[inese] so much ! I have found all of them : thank goodness you marked the dictionary !" Dorothy's typescripts and carbons, sent to James Laughlin and T.S. Eliot in the expectation that they would be used in the New Directions and Faber and Faber editions, were abandoned and now rest in the Beinecke and other libraries. Though Pound was working without his original typescript. In many cases Pound's first typescript and its carbons differ slightly from the published English text. The Chinese characters that were omitted or altered are reproduced from the Confucian text by Legge.

Canto LXXVII
Contains quotations from Da xue, Zhong yong and Lun yu from Legge's Four books.

Rock-drill de los cantares cantos LXXXV-XCV (1955).
Sekundärliteratur
1970
Akiko Miyake : The themes in Canto XXXVII : The war of the people against the agents of the bankers, the urgent need to disclose the devastation power of usury, is exalted to its cosmic dimension and dramatically taken into the first theme, the active influence of American founders.
1979
William Tay : "An epic is a poem containing history". Obviously the definition was intended by Pound to encompass The cantos. Having repudiated in both theory and practice the traditional structural models of the long poem, Pound substituted the ideogrammic method as the central organizing principle. Due to its non-linearity and concrete juxtaposition, this method turns out to be complementary in form to Pound's view of 'historical contemporaneity'. The Poundian sources for the Chinese history that goes into The cantos can all be classified as remembered history. None of these sources - the Confucian classics, a Chinese chronicle in Manchurian and rendered into French, a compilation of vulgarized Confucian tenets circulated as the Sacred edict – can truly lay claims to objectivity and accuracy. In re-transmitting these materials, Pound never seems to be bothered by the authenticity, objectivity, and correctness of his sources. He is neither critical nor investigative about his materials. He simply accepts the validity of the printed words without questioning and further research. This unscrupulous use of remembered history is complemented by Pound's ideogrammic method. The method eschews linear development and simply juxtaposes concrete data without explanation.
Shu jing is quite extensively used. While Shu jing is purported to contain more than seventeen centures of China's early documents, there are many gaps in the coverage and each of the five parts has to be read differently. Pound however, is capable of communicating historical 'knowledge'. Throughout The cantos, Taoists and Buddhists are often mentioned and described in a derogatory manner, as in the Chinese history cantos. Fortunately the invention of history appears to be rare in The cantos. Analogies to historical characters and past events, are very pervasive. The ideogrammic juxtaposition is based upon Pound's concept of historical contemporaneity. Pound's 'historical contemporaneity' does not make a distinction, and there is not attempt to construct even a self-contained system. Disregarding the difference in social and cultural background, he would isolate an endeared trait or idea, and with that juxtapose any number of historical characters supposed to share it. For Pound the origin, context, and motivation of a certain statement or incident are not important. He does not treat a historical statement as a living thought, but as a dead one, a finished product, cut loose from its roots. Pound's focus is continuously on the emperors and occasionally, the famous prime ministers.

Canto XCVIII
Sekundärliteratur
2005
Liu Haoming : The canto based on the vernacular Chinese text written in 1726, titled Sheng yu guang xun zhi jie by Wang Youpu, a writing in literary Chinese by emperor Yongzheng. Pound relied on a bilingual edition prepared by W.F. Baller. The first third of the canto interweaves ancient Egyptian myths with Greek allusions to and quotations from the Odyssey. Near the of that part, Wang Youpu is mentioned by name for the first time. From that point onward, the canto becomes a summary of Wang's text with occasional references to Dante and other old or modern Western events and texts. Pound pands his life-long contemplation on the nature of Chinese writing and its poetic implications by taking into consideration, for the first time in his writing career, the oral aspect of the Chinese language. Speech has hardly been considered in the study of Pound's view of the Chinese language. With the inclusion of Wang's vernacular text, the canto supplies this hitherto missing piece in Pound's theory of the Chinese language. An examination of Pound's view of the vernacular side reveals that he conceives the Chinese writing in a literary, philosophical and theological framework grander and more exquisite than most people had realized. The inclusion of speech in his theory of the Chinese writing testifies to the ultimate validity of this theory. By unfolding the dialectics of writing and speech in Pound's conception contained in this important late canto. In Wang's enterprise of rendering the Sacred edict in baihua, Pound recognizes a similarity between the linguistic, literary, and historical situations of late-medieval Italy and late-imperial China, because both Italy and China had long been dominated by a once illustrious but now dead 'locutio secondaria', namely, Latin in Italy and 'wenli' in China, and both Dante and Wang aimed at renovations by renewing a dynamic relationship to the origin.
The canto ends with an indirect quotation from Shu jing.

Canto CLXVII
The Ode is retranslated from 'Song of the Bowmen' the first poem in Cathay.
  • Document: Stock, Noel. Reading the Cantos : a study of meaning in Ezra Pound. (London : Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1967). S. 61, 64, 66-70. (Pou68, Publication)
  • Document: Yip, Wai-lim. Ezra Pound's Cathay. (Princeton, N.J. : Princeton University, 1967). Diss. Princeton Univ., 1967. = (Princeton, N.J. : Princeton University Press, 1969). [Enthält] : Pound, Ezra. Cathay [ID D29059]. S. 103. (Yip20, Publication)
  • Document: Miyake, Akiko. Between Confucius and Eleusis : Ezra Pound's assimilation of Chinese culture in writing the Cantos I-LXXI. (Ann Arbor, Mich. : University Microfilms, 1981). Diss. Duke University, 1970. S. 279, 348, 363, 366, 372, 375-376, 378, 381, 383-385, 394, 405, 418-419, 428, 430. (Pou100, Publication)
  • Document: Wand, David Happell Hsin-fu [Wang, David Rafael]. Cathay revisited : the Chinese tradition in the poetry of Ezra Pound and Gary Snyder. (Los Angeles, Calif. : University of Southern California, 1972). Diss. Univ. of Southern California, 1972. S. 108. (Pou97, Publication)
  • Document: Motsch, Monika. Ezra Pound und China. (Heidelberg : Winter, 1976). (Heidelberger Forschungen ; H. 17). Diss. Univ. Heidelberg 1971. S. 80-81, 105-106, 113-114, 119-123, 127-130, 132-133, 140. (Mot3, Publication)
  • Document: Tay, William. History as poetry : the Chinese past in Ezra Pound's 'Rock-drill cantos'. In : Tamkang review ; vol. 10, no 1 (1979). (Pou36, Publication)
  • Document: Nolde, John J. Blossoms from the East : the China cantos of Ezra Pound. (Orono, Maine : The National Poetry Foundation, The University of Maine, 1983). (Ezra Pound scholarship series). S. 28, 430. (Pou77, Publication)
  • Document: Driscoll, John. The China cantos of Ezra Pound. (Stockholm : Almqvist & Wiksell, 1983). (Acta universitatis Upsaliensis. Studia anglistica Upsaliensia ; 46). Diss. Uppsala University, 1983. S. 45, 57, 59, 62-63, 92-94, 97, 106-108, 112, 124, 145. (Pou59, Publication)
  • Document: Chang, Yao-hsin. Pound's Cantos and Confucianism. In : Ezra Pound : the legacy of Kulchur. Ed. by Marcel Smith and William A. Ulmer. (Tuscaloosa, Ala. : University of Alabama Press, 1988). S. 87-88, 90-92. (Pou75, Publication)
  • Document: Cheadle, Mary Paterson. Ezra Pound's Confucian translations. (Ann Arbor, Mich. : The University of Michigan Press, 1997). S. 16-17, 19, 21, 219-223, 239, 241, 263. (Pou50, Publication)
  • Document: Ezra Pound & China. Ed. by Zhaoming Qian. (Ann Arbor : The University of Michigan Press, 2003). S. 76, 96-97, 103, 193, 195, 197-198, 163-164, 166, 169. (Pou32, Publication)
  • Document: Pound, Ezra. Ezra Pound's Chinese friends : stories in letters. Ed. and ann. by Zhaoming Qian. (Oxford : University Press, 2008).
    [Enthält] : Briefwechsel mit Song Faxiang (1914), Zeng Baosan, Yang Fengqi (1939-1942), Veronica Hulan Sun, Fang Achilles (1950-1958), Angela Jung Palandri (1952), Zhang Junmai (1953-1957), Zhao Ziqiang (1954-1958), Wang Shenfu (1955-1958), Fang Baoxian (1957-1959).
    Appendix : Ezra Pound's typescript for "Preliminary survey" (1951).
    http://cs5937.userapi.com/u11728334/docs/901475cb4b3c/Zhaoming_Qian_Ezra_Pounds_Chinese_Friends
    _Sto.pdf
    . S. XXIII, 9, 19. (Pou16, Publication)
  • Document: Li, Qingjun. Ezra Pound's poetic mirror and the 'China cantos' : the healing of the West. In : Southeast review of Asian studies ; vol. 30 (2008). (Pou83, Publication)
  • Document: Liu, Haoming. 'Pharmaka' and 'volgar' eloquio' : speech and ideogrammic writing in Ezra Pound's Canto XCVIII. In : Asia major; 3rd ser. ; vol. 22, pt. 2 (2009). (Pou39, Publication)
  • Document: Pound, Ezra. New selected poems and translations. Ed. and ann. With an afterword by Richard Sieburth ; with essays by T.S. Eliot and John Berryman. (New York, N.Y. : New Directions Publ. Corp., 2010).
    [Enthält] : Pound, Ezra. Cathay. London : E. Mathews, 1915. (Pou17, Publication)
  • Document: Ricci, Roslyn Joy. Romancing the Chinese characters in classical Chinese poetry : Ezra Pound's productive error from misinterpretation and its effect on his translation and poetry. (Saarbrücken : VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, 2010). S. 47-48, 54, 61-62. (Pou22, Publication)
  • Person: Pound, Ezra
23 1930 Mei Lanfang toured the United States. Marianne Moore saw a program of four short plays by him and his company. She was overwhelmed by Mei Lanfang's performance in female roles.
Letter from Marianne Moore to Monroe Wheeler ; Brooklyn, March 18, 1930.
I have seen Across the World with Mr. and Mrs. Martin Johnson, and tomorrow I expect to go to a program of four plays and dances by the Chinese actor, Mei Lan-Fang and his company.
  • Document: Moore, Marianne. The selected letters of Marianne Moore. Bonnie Costello general editor. (New York, N.Y. : A.A. Knopf, 1997). S. 281. (Moo8, Publication)
24 1937 Wallace Stevens get a Buddha image through Leonard van Geyzel.
25 1944 Exhibition of Chinese sculpture, Han (206 B.C.-A.D. 220) to Sung (A.D. 960-1279), July 16 to August 15, 1944, The M.H. De Young Memorial Museum, San Francisco.
26 1957 Moore, Marianne. Tedium and integrity. Typescript Rosenbach Museum and Library, Philadelphia. [Lecture about Tao of painting by Mai-mai sze].
. . . This whole theme—the thought of integrity—was suggested to me by THE TAO OF PAINTING, with a translation of THE MUS¬TARD SEED GARDEN MANUAL OF PAINTING 1679-1701, by Miss Mme Mme [Mai-mai] Sze; published by the Bollingen Foundation, 1956. Hsieh Ho [Xie He] whose Six Canons of Painting were formulated about a.d. 500 said, "The terms ancient and modern have no meaning in art." I indeed felt that art is timeless when I saw in the Book Review section of The New York Times last spring, the reproduction of a plum branch by Tsou [Zou] Fu-lei, XIV century—a blossoming branch entitled A Breath of Spring. (Sometimes, I am tempted to add, when one breaks open a plum, one gets a fragrance of the blossom).
Tao means way or path. There is a Tao and there is The Tao, as Miss Mme Mme [Mai-mai] Sze explains. In Chinese writing, which is pictographic as you know, The Tao is portrayed as a foot taking a step (ch'o [zu]) and a head (shou). So we have the idea of wholeness of total harmony from head to foot. Step by step progress requires deliberateness, suggesting that meditation is basic to living, to all that we do, and that conduct is a thing of inner motivation. Pictographically, man is but a pair of legs, whereas the Tao is an integration of body, legs, arms, and above all a head. China’s concept of The Tao as the center of the circle, the creative principle, the golden mean, is one of the oldest in Chinese thought, shared by all schools. The Tao is the mark. The soul is the arrow. Indeed Lieh Tzu [Liezi] said, "To the mind that is still the whole universe surrenders."
It is not known in what period the idea of Yin and Yang originated, but as early as the XI century [b.c.] they were mentioned as the two primal forces. The Yang, the Male Principle — symbolized by the right foot—was identified with sun, light, action, positiveness; and Yin, the Female Principle, with the moon, darkness and quiescence.
There are two important features of Chinese painting.
1. The close relationship between painting and calligraphy. Writing Chinese characters developed a fine sense of proportion—prominent in every aspect of Chinese life. Confucius regarded a sense of fitness as one of the Five Cardinal Virtues.
2. The view that painting is not a profession but an extension of the art of living. Usually therefore, painting was an expression of maturity. A painter was likely to be an astronomer, a musician, perhaps a medical man. In acquiring the education prescribed by the Tao of Painting, a painter underwent rigorous intellectual discipline which included in-tensive training of memory. So authorship in China is integral to education, please note—not a separate proficiency to be acquired. (Rather humbling to those of us who devoted much time [to] incidental aspects of writing.) Chinese philosophy, Mme Mme [Mai-mai] Sze observes, might be said to be psychology—a development of the whole personality; and egotism—or what the Bhuddist [Buddhist] called ignorance—obscures a clear vision of the Tao. It is unusual, at least in my experience, to come on a book of verse which has not a tincture of sarcasm or grievance, a sense of injury personal or general, and I feel very strongly what Juan Ramon Jiménez said in referring to something else—to what is not poetry—"there is a profounder profundity" than obsession with self.
Painting should be a fusion of that which pertains to Heaven— the spirit — and of matter, which pertains to Earth, as effected by the painter's insight and skill. The search for a rational explanation of nature and the universe encourage a tendency to classification—almost a disease as noted by Miss Mme Mme [Mai-mai] Sze, when carried to an extreme; and in China Six Canons of Painting were formulated, as has been said, about a.d. 500 by Hsieh Ho [Xie He], Of these the first — basic to all—controlled the other five and applies to all kinds of painting was spirit. The word ch'i [qi]—in the Cantonese version pronounced hay, is almost hke exhaling a breath, cognate in meaning to pneuma and the word spiritus.
2.The Second Canon says "The brush is the means of creating structure." The ideal takes form. The spiritual aspect has tangible expression, and while one result of the tendency by Sung [Song] academicians to stress faithful representation, was to hamper spontaneity, a happy result was the superb paintings of insects, flowers, animals, and birds. In Volume II of the Manual where methods are illustrated, we have bud and buds beginning to open, thick leaves that withstand winter, plants with thorns and furry leaves, grasshoppers, large grasshoppers, crickets, beetles and the praying mantis; small birds fighting while [flying], a bird bathing and a bird shaking off water.
3. According to the object draw its form.
4. According to the nature of the object apply color.
5. "Organize the composition with each element in its rightful place." One is reminded here of Hsieh Ho's [Xie He] statement: "Accidents impair and time transforms but it is we who choose." In Volume II, in which methods are illustrated, one has "tiled structures at several levels, at a distance," (nests of very beautiful drawings), walls, bridges, temples, a lean-to of beanstalks. "If a man had eyes all over his body," the Manual says, "his body would be a monstrosity. ... A landscape with people and dwellings in it has life, but too many figures and houses give the effect of a market-place." Perhaps the most important factor in harmonizing the elements of a picture is space, Miss Mme Mme [Mai-mai] Sze feels: "the most original contribution of Chinese painting, the most exhilarating." "Space of any kind was regarded as filled with meaning—in fact was synonymous with the Tao. A hollow tree was not empty but filled with spirit. The spaces between the spokes of a wheel make the wheel, and inner space, not the pottery of the pitcher, is its essential part," it is not a set of walls but "the space in a room that is its usefulness." One of the Twelve Faults was "a crowded ill-arranged composition"; or "water with no indication of its source."
6. In copying, transmit the essence of the master's brush and methods. Chinese thinking abounds in symbolism and the circle as a concept of wholeness is surely one of great fascination. Everything must be in proper relation to the center. A circle's beginning (its head), and end (or foot) are the same, unmoving and continually moving and still life — nature morte—is contrary to the whole concept of Chinese painting. The Tao (a path) lies on the ground, is still, yet leans somewhere and so has movement; and we have, therefore, an identity of contraries which are not in conflict but complementary opposites or two halves of a whole, as in the Yin and Yang—symbolized by the disc divided by an S-like curve. It is not known in what period the idea of Yin and Yang originated, but as early as the XI century [b.c.] they were mentioned as the primal forces. The Yang, the Male Principle identified pictographically with the right foot—was identified as well, with sun, light, action, positiveness; and Yin, the Female Principle, with the moon, darkness, and quiescence.
The Chinese dragon is a symbol of the power of Heaven, a main characteristic being constant movement — slumbering in the deep or winging across the Heaven. At will it could change and be the size of a silkworm or swell so large as to fill the space of Heaven and Earth, and so represents totality. It had also the gift of invisibility. A second type of symbol pertains to flowers, birds, and animals —the phoenix, the tortoise, the unicorn, the crane, the pine, the peach, being motifs for long life, and the bamboo, a symbol of elegance.
So complete is the Manual that the brush, the ink, inkstone, and paper (or silk) — the Four Treasures — are minutely discussed. In making the brush into one end of the hollow bamboo holder, a tuft of hair or fur is inserted and fixed with a little glue. As for glues, the much- esteemed Tang-o [Dong'e] glue was made by boiling donkey-hides in Tang [Dong] River water, which contained special minerals. Other good glues were made from deer horns or fish skin. The jet blackness and sheen of a certain ink made from pine-soot, also depend on the preparation. "To dull the ink, pulverized oyster-shells or powdered jade were added although jade was put in principally as a gesture of respect to the ink." "Old ink sticks and cakes have a unique fragrance, often heightened by adding musk, camphor, or pomegranate-bark" "Old ink is treated like a vintage wine." "Not only can great variety of tone be produced from one stick, but several kinds are often used in one painting, since ink often blended with color, enriched the venerable air of trees and rocks," the Element of the mysterious, the dark and fertile dignity hovering over hillock and pool."
"The aim of the entire Manual is to develop the painter's spiritual resources." "There is an old saying": (quoted in this Preface to the Shanghai Edition (1887) of the Manual) "that those who are skilled in painting will live long because life created through the sweep of the brush can strengthen life itself, both being of the spirit—the ch'i [qi]."
"To achieve trueness and naturalness is to be in harmony with the Tao—the equival of an act of worship." "Natural spontaneous brush-work is like the flight of a bird." "The function of brush and ink is to make visible the invisible."
27 1957 [Moore received her complimentary set of The Tao of painting by Mai-mai Sze from the Bollingen Foundation].
Letter from Marianne Moore to John Barrett ; January 22, 1957.
You cannot imagine my excitement in possessing these books. The exposition of subjects and the terminology in discussing 'The Elements of a Picture' in the Chinese text is pleasure enough for a lifetime. If I were in a decline mentally, the insect and frog color-print in Volume I of the Tao would, I think, help me to regain tone. The accuracy without rigidity of the characterizations is hard to credit ; the emerald of the leopard-frog and its watchful eye, the dragon-flies, sanguine, brown and greenish gray against the fragile beetle of some kind, the climbing katydid and grasshopper on the move, the plausibility of all this life above the pumpkin-leaves and lace of lesser leaves, the bumble-bee so solid despite frail violet wings and trailing legs with thorny rasps, are something, I suppose, that one could learn by heart but never become used to.

Cited by (1)

# Year Bibliographical Data Type / Abbreviation Linked Data
1 2007- Worldcat/OCLC Web / WC