China and the West

Dos Passos, John R. The Anglo-Saxon century and the unification of the English-speaking people. IV. Russia, China, France – their relations to each other and to the world. [ID D33695].
…But the powers mentioned above [United States, Germany, England, Russia] must assume that her internal policy will succeed, and the probabilities of such success, at least for some years to come, make it important for them to act conjointly and promptly in matters pertaining to China, South-eastern Europe and Asia. No matter how they may diverge in other questions, upon the subject of China their true interests demand joint action. Under no circumstances, at least for many years, will Russia be a general commercial rival to these four powers. She has no ambition, for instance, in the direction of Africa, now covered by England, Germany, and France ; nor has she any present intention of exploiting the fields of South America or Mexico. The sphere of her external policy embraces South-eastern Europe, Asia, and China, and in these fields she has always met and been checked by Great Britain. It is an absolute, indisputable fact of history, that but for the predominating influence and power of England, Russia would to-day be the complete master of China, Turkey, Persia, and other parts of Asia — in fact, of all Asia. England, alone, might still continue to check Russia's designs on these countries, but in so doing she would be acting not only for Germany, but for the United States, hence the Eastern policy of England must be radically changed, or she must act co-operatively with the United States, France, and Germany, or with one or two of these powers. She cannot for ever continue in the unavowed invidious role of defender of Europe against this gigantic, ever-advancing, all-absorbing antagonist. But eternal gratitude is due to her from the United States and the other powers of Europe for what she has already done in this direction.
Unless some general check, such as is suggested in these pages, be applied, the dream of Peter the Great would seem to be in a fair way of fulfilment. That dream was, first, the acquisition of all Asia; second, the conquest of all Europe — the latter by the instrumentality of its own dissensions, and the playing off of the rival interests, as Austria against France, afterwards France against Germany — a state of things which has an approach to realisation at the present moment. The royal dreamer did not embrace America within the scope of his vision, — a very important and ever-growing factor in the general problem, whether for good or evil.
In the new diplomatic advent, the United States, Germany, England, and Russia, and, perhaps, France, must be the principal factors. What shall their policy be ? Undoubtedly England, the United States, and Germany would never consent to allow Russia to carry out her present ambition to become the owner of China and the other Eastern possessions, which every one knows she covets, and covets quite naturally, because her contiguity to these territories makes it of vital importance for her to obtain a predominating control there, when they pass from the weak hands in which they now rest. Moreover, the strong, despotic government of Russia is suited to Chinese education and intelligence, perhaps much more so than that which any European power could establish there. But behold the proportions and strength of the Russian Empire with China and the Chinese under her control ! Does any European power look with equanimity upon such a picture ? Naturally, Russia will hesitate long before she will consent to relinquish her cherished dream of eventually controlling these possessions.
It has been manifest for years that China could not take care of herself, and what little diplomacy exists in modern times has been exercised in guarding the present and future integrity of that country from the grasp of rival foreign powers. Until the late war (if the anomalous events which recently transpired in China can be correctly called a war) these diplomatic questions had really involved only England and Russia. At present, the situation is as follows : China and the East must be opened to meet the increasing commercial growth of the United States, England, Germany, and France. There are not enough customers to go round; the domain of commercial activity is too narrow ; competition is becoming so close and hot, especially when the United States invades those grounds heretofore exclusively occupied by England Germany, and France, that new territories must be found, and fresh fields of trade exposed. The doors of China must be thrown wide open to the manufacturers of all these countries, on terms of equality. The policy of Russia is to delay the consummation of this event. She may at some future time be in a situation where she can occupy the disputed field against all comers. She is near the ground, and is becoming more powerful every day, in proportion as her internal policy is fixed, and her laws, religion, and government are made satisfactory to her subjects.
If all these things turn out favourably for Russia, and she can secure the co-operation of China, it is not unlikely or improbable that she will one day say to the other powers, "Hands off!" and be prepared to enforce her words.
Under these circumstances, it is the unquestionable policy of England, the United States, Germany, and France, at least so far as China is concerned, to have their relations with Russia settled at once. If Russia can maintain the status quo until events are ripe for her to act aggressively, it is her plain policy to do so. On the other hand, England, the United States, France, and Germany can gain nothing by the delay, but everything by quick, present, concerted action. The division of China once made, Russian ambition and diplomacy are for ever checked. Of course there is the Franco-Russian alliance. I pay no attention to it. It is a farce — a diplomatic paradox ; so suicidal to France's real interest that it is liable to drop to pieces at any change in the French Ministry.
Another phase of the subject, i. e., the internal condition of China.
In the aspect in which I am considering the subject, I do not think I am wrong in saying that China bears the same relation to the civilised world as the continent of America did to Europe in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. There are, of course, great differences — China has more people — she has a more developed internal trade, her citizens have more intelligence and certain inventive and business qualities, and there are other very material features too obvious to, mention, which distinoruish the Chinese from the American aborigines, but in the sense in which I am speaking, the comparison is correct. China has made no distinct advance for centuries, in a civilising direction, in the sciences and arts, in commercial and manufacturing pursuits, to say nothing of political, religious, and moral improvements, schools and eleemosynary establishments. She has stood dead-still, if she has not actually taken a step backward. As a nation, China is oblivious to anything progressive. In fact, so low is she in the scale of modern civilisation, that the United States, whose commendable policy has been to invite immigrants to her shores, has deliberately shut her doors to China, and has unceremoniously refused to receive the latter's subjects either as citizens or as travellers. In ordinary circumstances, in the estimation of independent thinkers, this policy of exclusion would be intolerable, but its justification has been sustained upon the ground that the Chinese are not regarded as fit associates for American citizens, and no persons are wanted in this country who do not meet this requirement. In a word, China is out of harmony in her relations to the civilised powers. With but few exceptions her policy has been to close her doors to the outside world, to shut herself up in a shell upon the approach of strangers. China, in respect to modern development, must be opened by the corkscrew of progress. She does not respond with effervescence to the approaches of civilisation. The massacre of an ambassador of a great power, tile altogether unjustifiable slaughter of helpless missionaries, invited and induced to reside there by treaty, and the turbulent confusion which reigns inside of her borders, form complete evidence of the utter incapacity of the nation for respectable, stable government. She is old, childish, helpless, and if her territories are to be opened and developed, if her people are to be educated, enlightened and made prosperous, it must be by the strong hands of the civilised powers. Of course, touching and effective arguments may be made against the right of nations forcibly and bodily to take possession of Chinese soil, and intelligent and cultivated Chinese statesmen and gifted scholars like Wu Ting-Fang, the late Chinese Ambassador to the United States, may make pathetic appeals against such a movement, based upon the superior moral and legal right of the Chinese to their own soil and government. But we must look the question fairly in the face, undisturbed and unaffected by arguments which, ordinarily, would have preponderating weight. The Indians who occupied the soil of North America, the Britons who occupied the soil of England, had the same arguments. Nothing is finer than the pictured eloquence of the Indian chiefs as they spiritedly protested against the invasion of their soil and the dispersion and extinguishment of their tribal governments. But before the march of progress and the underlying necessities of civilisation, these cries of sentiment and sympathy will not long be heard. The invincible spirit of progress must go on. Like quicksilver, it will noiselessly run into every portion of the globe where voids created by political weakness and barbarism exist. Sympathy cannot be allowed for ever to block human advancement. In the contest between the higher and the lower order of things, it is impossible to adjust the details to our liking. There is always an intermediate period of partial injustice and confusion before the solution is reached. China can prove no exception to this view. Railroads will eventually appear in the highways of China in place of the ancient and worn-out methods of transportation which now prevail ; manufacturing and mining pursuits will be established, her fields will be opened, cultivated, and enriched by modern methods and implements of agriculture. It will be in vain for the Chinese to undertake to support their religion and methods of thought and life by appeals to Confucius and other teachers. These must give way under the influence of modern progress. Why ? Because they have produced no fruit. A tree that bears nothing is valueless. China's ethics, laws, religion, and philosophy are barren. Primitively and simply beautiful they may be, but they are without practical value except as historical monuments marking the advance of nations. Her present condition attests the value of her institutions: "By their fruits ye shall know them."
In face of all these facts, it is hard to realise that the allied powers should precipitately have left China. Yet the reason is plain. England and the United States each had a war upon its hands. The Chinese difficulty happened at a most inopportune time, and when the United States inaugurated and persisted in a movement of abandonment of China, England was reluctantly forced to give up her convictions and to join in the retrograde march. Had England been entirely free to act, no doubt she would have forced a different settlement. The McKinley administration exhibited a natural weakness in its policy. It had to fight shy of the Imperialistic cry which had been dinned in its ears ad nauseam with respect to the Philippine possessions ; it feared another broadside from opposition newspapers, which was imminent if it pursued a strong policy in China, and hence one was hit upon of apparent magnanimity towards the Chinese, but which was at once superficial, weak, and misleading, and withal the worst measure for China which could be imagined. The allied powers entered China without a studied or concerted plan, and they left it without a clear solution or settlement of the questions involved. Their going in was as their coming out — hasty, ill-conceived, and impolitic. The commencement and the conclusion were both befogged. No sooner were the allied troops removed than internal dissensions appeared, and the weakness, wretchedness, and incompetence of the Chinese government was soon more plainly revealed than ever. By abandoning China, the United States played directly into the hands of Russia. England and Germany must have seen this, but they could not combat a plan of action which seemed on its face so magnanimous to a fallen people, especially with France co-operating with Russia.
The whole business must be gone over again. The weakness of China will soon be revealed in plots and revolutions all over the Empire ; indignities will be again perpetrated upon foreigners, and armed intervention will follow…

London, Jack. The people of the abyss. (New York, N.Y. : Macmillan, 1903).
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1688/1688.txt
He had been through the "First War in China," as he termed it; had enlisted with the East India Company and served ten years in India; was back in India again, in the English navy, at the time of the Mutiny; had served in the Burmese War and in the Crimea; and all this in addition to having fought and toiled for the English flag pretty well over the rest of the globe…
There is a Chinese proverb that if one man lives in laziness another will die of hunger…
Mathias of Dargai, Dixon of Vlakfontein; General Gaselee and Admiral Seymour of China; Kitchener of Khartoum; Lord Roberts of India...

Norris, Frank. A deal in wheat and other stories of the new and old West. (New York, N.Y. : Doubleday, Page & Co., 1903).
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/9905/9905.txt.
The dual personality of Slick Dick Nickerson.
The President stirred uneasily in his place. "Well, I ain't quite worked that scheme out, Joe. But I smell the deal. There's a Russian post along there some'eres. Where they catch sea-otters. And the skins o'sea-otters are selling this very day for seventy dollars at any port in China." "I s'y," piped up Ally Bazan, "I knows a bit about that gyme. They's a
bally kind o' Lum-tums among them Chinese as sports those syme skins on their bally clothes--as a mark o' rank, d'ye see."…
The ship that saw a ghost.
But you may go along the "Front" in San Francisco from Fisherman's Wharf to the China steamships' docks and shake your dollars under the seamen's noses, and if you so much as whisper _Glarus_ they will edge suddenly off and look at you with scared suspicion, and then, as like as not, walk away without another word…
Only once were we all agreed, and that was when the cook, a Chinaman, spoiled a certain batch of biscuits…

Geoffrey Durnford Iliff ist Bischoff in Shandong.

Lu Xun reist nach Japan um Medizin zu studieren.

Edgar Allan Poe and China : general
Hao, Ruijuan : In the first three decades of the twentieth century, many Chinese translators and scholars engaged themselves in translating and commenting actively on Poe's works in a free academic atmosphere.
Some of Poe's works were highly admired and imitated for their ingenious narrative structure and the psychological impact on readers. Poe's humanistic touch of sadness and melancholy was shared by many of the Chinese writers who struggled for survival in the 'long and cold darkness'.
From the 1940s to the 1970s, Poe studies came to a halt and received very little attention from scholars and readers alike. The national literature was censored by the 'Marxist' guideline that served for 'class struggle' and the Communist Party's political propaganda. Poe's works were categorized into the 'school of decadence', for they strayed away from 'reality' and practiced an 'art's for art's sake' that corrupted people's morality and consciousness.
This gloomy situation did not end until the 1980s and the 1990s when many of Poe's works were re-translated and published by some of the most influential state-owned presses. From that time on, the acceptance and study of Poe's works entered into a brand-new era with a considerable quantity and quality of academic papers and theses examining all aspects of Poe’s achievement. Contemporary Chinese critics are eager to seek various lyrical connections, direct or indirect, between Poe and Chinese culture.
The ten most popular Chinese writers of horror stories admit in interviews that they have read Poe's short stories and consciously put Poe's composing philosophy into practice. The construction of “effect” in unity and the 'horror of the soul' have become the cornerstone of the Chinese writing philosophy. Poe's 'art for art's sake' and his pursuit of beauty dominates. The thematic subjects and the narrative techniques are the two main areas that the young generation has attempted to imitate. Death, regarded by Poe as the most melancholy of all topics, is pursued almost to exhaustion in nearly all the Chinese horror stories.
The direct borrowing of Poe's structural techniques is mainly represented through the construction of 'horror effect' and the application of first person narrative. Chinese horror stories learn more from Poe by situating the stories in times and places that errify. The borrowing of Poe's 'firs-person' narrative, is one of the most significant breaks that contemporary horror story writers have mad in modernizing Chinese traditional culture.
The immense popularity of Poe's horror stories with young Chinese writers is interpreted as reflecting the deepening fragmentation and alienation China feels because of its fast-paced modernization and the invasion of commercialization. The increasing pressure of competition exaserbates each individual's uncertainties about the future as well as increase the psychological tension that fear, anxiety and trauma cause. Poe's stories externalize this mental complexity and deeply touch the uneasy pulse of China's progress towards material wealth and affluence. On the other hand, horror stories also provide a temporary escape for individuals overwhelmed by such dramatic cultural change. Poe and the world he constructs attract a large number of Chinese readers who encourage the commercialization of horror stories and popular culture. These historical and cultural circumstances quickly build a bridge between Poe and the young generation of writers who share the pain of the times.
Documenting and interpreting similarities between Poe and ancient Chinese poets is a main field of research for contemporary Chinese Poe studies, although there are suspicions and accusations that they have stripped off the historical and cultural specificity of these poems in order to pursue a “misreading” and subsume Poe into Chinese literary tradition.

Sheng Ning ; Stauffer, Donald Barlow : Sheng Ning : Until 1949 Poe was regarded in China as one of the major nineteenth-century American writers. He was admired as the greates 19th-century American writer and as the founder of the short story and the precursor of aestheticism. His 'neurotic genre' was accepted by modern Chinese short story writers, who moved away from old conventions that merely presented a series of events to new experiments that employed psychological themes. Writers using abnormal psychological states were able to use veiled hints and indirection instead of writing directly, and readers could respond to these hints using their own imagination. Poe's theories on the musical qualities of poetry, on the suggestiveness and undercurrents in a poem and on the unity of effect were also of interest in the development of the New Chinese Poetry. Although the type of poetry that was influenced by Poe disappeared for almost forty years.
The general interest in Poe went into a decline in the 1930's, for several reasons. First, the New Literature Movement was from the start a socially-oriented cultural movement in China, aiming at eradi-cating feudalist ideology and bringing about radical social changes. As a result, realistic and naturalistic authors had a better chance of being popularized at that time. Second, most of the Chinese intellectuals, in the face of the social reality, had gone through a period of disillusionment and despair in the 1920's. They had lost faith in the old values, but had not yet acquired new beliefs. This momentary vacuum made it impossible for Poe's highly subjective, imaginary world to evoke a response in these readers. By the 1930's, this period of ideological wavering had, in the main, come to an end. The Communist Party of China, which was founded in 1921, had by this time become more mature, and had become the leading force of the New Culture Movement; meanwhile the split among the Chinese intellectuals became more and more apparent. In 1931, the Japanese invaded northeast China and a long period of national crisis began Chinese literature was deeply involved in these events; therefore the poets and writers had to take a more direct and utilitarian approach. Under such circumstances, Poe's works, which were detached from social reality, could be enjoyed only by a very small circle of readers who treated literature as a mere pastime. For the general reading public Poe was no longer of interest, and after the outbreak of the War of Resistance against Japan in 1937, translation and publication of Poe's works virtually stopped.
Poe is virtually unknown to the younger generation in China.
Poe's influence on modern Chinese short fiction was almost exclu-sively upon form, in three different ways. First of all, some of his well-known tales were used as models and their technical devices or structure were widely imitated. Second, there were elements of aes- theticism, symbolism and mysticism in his work which later influenced European writers of the late nineteenth century, such as the French Symbolists and the writers whom the Chinese considered 'neo-romantics'. This neo-romanticism was popular among Chinese writers in the 1920's. The third and most common kind of influence was his use of language, his use of certain kinds of emotional effects, and his psychological probing into men's minds.
Poe's influence on the Crescent Society school is limited to his ideas on formal structure and musical effects. His ideas on poetic form and on beauty had satisfied their aesthetic taste somewhat, but as a poet Poe was never regarded as a model for imitation, except by a very few decadent, symbolist poets. His theories on the musical qualities of poetry, on the suggestiveness and undercurrents in a poem, and on the unity of effect were also of interest in the development of the new Chinese poetry. Three writers were influenced by Poe : Chen Xianghe, Li Jianwu and Yu Dafu.

Lu Xun and Edgar Allan Poe
Lu Xun's knowledge of Poe is by no means limited to The gold bug, however. In one of his early essays, he remarked that "The black cat in Edgar Allan Poe's tale is really horrible". Later, in an introduction to Mark Twain's Eve's diary, he made a judicious comparison between Twain and other nineteenth-century American writers : Poe, Hawthorne, and Whitman. He pointed out that Twain was outwardly a humorist, but inwardly a misanthrope, although Poe, Hawthorne and Whitman did not, like Twain, "think in one way, but behave in another". He also noticed that American writers before the Civil War could easily keep their individualist features, but after the Civil War they had to adapt themselves to the social requirements of a highly developed capitalist system. These remarks show that Lu Xun had read and understood Poe ; in later years in one of his talks with an American friend he admitted that in his early years he had been influenced by Poe.

Karl Ludvig Reichelt reist nach Shanghai und beginnt Sprachstudien in Changsha (Hunan).

Vasilij Mikhailovic Alexeev studiert in England, Frankreich (bei Edouard Chavannes, Paul Pelliot, Marcl Granet, Henri Maspero) und Deutschland.

Pavel Stepanovic Popov ist Professor für Chinesisch an der Universität St. Petersburg.

Aleksei Matveevich Pozdneev ist Mitglied des Council of the Ministry of Public Education.

Die Tong wen guan ändert ihren Namen in Yi xue guan [School of Translation].

Charles Wason reist in China.

Laurence Binyon beginnt chinesische Malerei zu studieren.

George Macdonald Howe Playfair ist handelnder Generalkonsul des britischen Konsulats in Hankou (Fujian).

Harry Halton Fox ist handelnder Konsul des britischen Konsulats in Wuzhou.

George John Letablère Litton ist Konsul des britischen Konsulats in Tengyue (Yunnan).

John Thomas Pratt ist krankheitshalber auf Heimurlaub.

Victor Laurent Savage ist Vize-Konsul des britischen Konsulats in Hankou.

Rudolf Eiswaldt ist Konsul des deutschen Konsulats in Guangzhou (Guangdong).