Chronology Entry
Year
17.2.1922
Text
Russell, Bertrand. Reconstruction in China. In : The Chinese Students' monthly ; 17. Febr. (1922).
In writing for Chinese readers, it seems appropriate to emphasize rather what the Chinese can do for themselves than how foreigners ought to help them. The practice of looking to foreign nations for help is not desirable, both because it encourages a parasitic habit of mind, and because, in the long run, all nations are egoistic. China is capable of saving herself by her own strength, and I assume that all patriotic Chinese would wish her to do so.
When I ask myself what national goal I should propose to myself if I were Chinese, it appears to me I should have two aims, one conservative and one progressive. On the one hand I should wish to preserve certain excellences in the traditional civilization of China which are lacking in the West ; on the other hand I should set to work to acquire and diffuse as much as possible of western knowledge and skill. To reconcile these two objects is difficult, but not wholly impossible ; and to reconcile them as far as possible is the purpose of what I have to say on Chinese problems.
As the first of Chinese merits I place the habit of judging activities by their purpose, and not merely by the amount of energy they call forth. We in the West tend to think energy a good thing in itself ; we admire hustle and athletics and war, but are incapable of any rational employment of leisure. Our civilization grows more and more ugly and harsh and destructive, so that it will destroy itself unless something in the nature of pursuit of ideals can be substituted for purposeless push. In the old China there existed a respect for aesthetic ideals, and even in the new China men require a motive before they will rush into action. This virtue is the source of Chinese pacifism and of Chinese art ; it is also the cause of the extra ordinary intellectual candour by which the educated Chinese are distin¬guished.
Unfortunately, the contemplative virtues have as their counterpart lazi¬ness in practical affairs. This would not much matter if China could re¬main isolated, but as that is impossible it subjects China to domination by \o more energetic nations. This foreign domination, whether military or economic or merely spiritual is a misfortune, which can only be avoided through the energy of reforming Chinese. The preservation of national independence is a precondition of everything else that is to be desired for modern China.
If national independence is to be preserved, there are four great tasks which the Chinese will have to accomplish for themselves in the following order : (1) The growth of public morality and energy ; (2) The establish¬ment of a good and stable government ; (3) Education, both technical and elementary ; (4) The development of Chinese industrial resources by Chinese capital and skill. Let us consider each of these in turn.
(1) Traditional Chinese morality is private, and has its basis in the family. Public faults, such as bribery, extortion, and neglect of duties, are lightly regarded, though in fact, in the modern world, they do far more harm than a lack of filial piety. It is, to my mind, the special province of those Chinese who have received a modern university education to intro¬duce into politics and the civil service a higher standard of honesty and industry than has hitherto prevailed. So long as officials are corrupt, rich foreign nations can always induce them to sell the interests of their coun¬try while the Tuchuns cannot be prevented from prolonging the existing anarchy. The regeneration of China demands a body of men devoting themselves to politics and administration honestly, energetically, and in all enlightened spirit. Of such a body the returned students ought to form the nucleus.
(2) Given such a body of public-spirited and modern-minded men, it would be possible to put an end to the existing anarchy and establish order and good government throughout the country. Without a stable government nothing can be accomplished. It is impossible to resist foreign aggression, because there is no political strength in the nation. It is im¬possible to develop the industrial resources by Chinese enterprise, because the Tuchuns cannot be trusted to abstain from spoliation. It is impossible to extend education, because there are no public funds for the purpose. Good government is therefore absolutely essential even for matters which might seem at first sight remote from politics.
I think it is clear that a stable government in China will have to be feder¬al, allowing to the provinces a very large measure of autonomy. In this respect, I think, the constitutionalists of 1912 made a mistake ; something more analogous to the American Constitution would have a far better chance of success than the constitution aimed at in the first days of the Republic. The important thing is to discover and advocate a kind of con¬stitution which the great mass of public opinion can support ; and this will almost certainly be a federation of autonomous provinces.
As to how such a constitution is to be established in face of the opposi¬tion of the militarists, it is impossible to prophesy definitely. Obviously the first requisite is united action by all those who desire to end the existing anarchy. There is need of an informal Congress to draw up a new draft constitution, with the understanding that its members should all support the draft when it is drawn up, even if it fails to represent exactly the indi¬vidual views of this or that member. It might then happen that some com¬paratively enlightened Tuchun would agree to establish the new constitu¬tion, or that the soldiers could be induced by propaganda to abandon the more reactionary Tuchuns. The precise method of getting the constitution established would depend upon circumstances, but if once the enlight¬ened Chinese were united in advocating it, there can be little doubt that its enactment could be brought about by sufficiently persistent propa¬ganda. When that is achieved, the militarists, so far as they survive, can be forced to serve the central government and the existing anarchy can be ended.
(3) No progress is stable in any country unless it is accompanied by an increase of education. There are two things, both requiring education, which are needed for Chinese stability, namely democracy and industrial¬ism. Democracy is needed both as good in itself and as the only way of avoiding dictatorship of men who appeal to ignorant prejudice. Indus¬trialism is needed not as a good thing in itself (for in itself I regard it as an evil), but as absolutely necessary for the preservation of national inde¬pendence. But before it becomes possible for the Chinese to run their own industries it will be necessary to have technically trained experts and skil¬led workmen. I sometimes think that the Chinese students who come to Europe and America are too conclusively occupied with abstract studies. Many, for example, learn economics, but hardly any learn how some large industrial enterprise is actually run, though this knowledge would prob¬ably be far more useful to China. And the same thing applies to the for¬eign teachers who are brought to China. When I was lecturing on philos¬ophy in Peking, I was painfully conscious that the knowledge I had to give was far less valuable than what could be given by (say) a mining engineer or a man intimately acquainted with the iron and steel industry. Such men ought, in my opinion, to be induced to come to China and to impart their knowledge to those who would make practical use of it.
If China is to become a democracy on the Western model, universal ele¬mentary education is indispensable. This would require two things which do not exist at present, namely an adequate revenue, and an adequate supply of teachers. The revenue will be forthcoming when a stable govern¬ment has been established, but not before. Normal schools for teachers already exist, but many more will be required before a competent teacher can be supplied to every village. Probably this increase of normal schools also will be impossible, on any large scale, until there is a constitutional government recognized throughout the country.
(4) In preserving national independence, the crux of the whole matter is industrial resources, especially railways and mines. China is rich in min¬erals, which foreign industrialists wish to exploit. So long as railways and mines are in the hands of foreigners, no legal safeguards will secure any real freedom for China. If the industrial resources could remain entirely unused, that might be the last thing for China; but that is impossible. The only real alternative is between Chinese and foreign exploitation. I desire very strongly to see Chinese rather than foreign exploitation, because I admire and love Chinese civilization, which will inevitably be replaced by that of the West if economic power remains in Western hands, whether individual or national. Of course, the growth of industrialism will change Chinese civilization, as it has changed ours, and I do not wish China to remain unchanged. There is need of widespread radical reform in China. But I wish reform to proceed on Chinese lines, as a growth and development out of China's past, not as a mere substitution of Western ideas and Western practice. I believe that by a judicious infusion of Western knowledge, China can enter upon a new period of greatness, and can find solutions for many problems which we have found baffling – perhaps for our fundamental problem, how industrialism is to be made the servant of men instead of his ruthless tyrant.
China's potential strength is so enormous that no great intensity of militarism or nationalism is required for successful resistance to foreign aggression. Some slight amount, no doubt, is required. This is an evil, but one for which the responsibility rests with the Western nations and their Japanese pupil. I wish to see in China just so much of nationalism as is necessary for self-preservation, but no more. And in view of the Chinese character, I do not despair of seeing this result achieved. But I should be sorry if, in achieving it, the Chinese were driven to imitate us in anything except knowledge ; for in their philosophy of life, I believe them to be definitely our superior.
In writing for Chinese readers, it seems appropriate to emphasize rather what the Chinese can do for themselves than how foreigners ought to help them. The practice of looking to foreign nations for help is not desirable, both because it encourages a parasitic habit of mind, and because, in the long run, all nations are egoistic. China is capable of saving herself by her own strength, and I assume that all patriotic Chinese would wish her to do so.
When I ask myself what national goal I should propose to myself if I were Chinese, it appears to me I should have two aims, one conservative and one progressive. On the one hand I should wish to preserve certain excellences in the traditional civilization of China which are lacking in the West ; on the other hand I should set to work to acquire and diffuse as much as possible of western knowledge and skill. To reconcile these two objects is difficult, but not wholly impossible ; and to reconcile them as far as possible is the purpose of what I have to say on Chinese problems.
As the first of Chinese merits I place the habit of judging activities by their purpose, and not merely by the amount of energy they call forth. We in the West tend to think energy a good thing in itself ; we admire hustle and athletics and war, but are incapable of any rational employment of leisure. Our civilization grows more and more ugly and harsh and destructive, so that it will destroy itself unless something in the nature of pursuit of ideals can be substituted for purposeless push. In the old China there existed a respect for aesthetic ideals, and even in the new China men require a motive before they will rush into action. This virtue is the source of Chinese pacifism and of Chinese art ; it is also the cause of the extra ordinary intellectual candour by which the educated Chinese are distin¬guished.
Unfortunately, the contemplative virtues have as their counterpart lazi¬ness in practical affairs. This would not much matter if China could re¬main isolated, but as that is impossible it subjects China to domination by \o more energetic nations. This foreign domination, whether military or economic or merely spiritual is a misfortune, which can only be avoided through the energy of reforming Chinese. The preservation of national independence is a precondition of everything else that is to be desired for modern China.
If national independence is to be preserved, there are four great tasks which the Chinese will have to accomplish for themselves in the following order : (1) The growth of public morality and energy ; (2) The establish¬ment of a good and stable government ; (3) Education, both technical and elementary ; (4) The development of Chinese industrial resources by Chinese capital and skill. Let us consider each of these in turn.
(1) Traditional Chinese morality is private, and has its basis in the family. Public faults, such as bribery, extortion, and neglect of duties, are lightly regarded, though in fact, in the modern world, they do far more harm than a lack of filial piety. It is, to my mind, the special province of those Chinese who have received a modern university education to intro¬duce into politics and the civil service a higher standard of honesty and industry than has hitherto prevailed. So long as officials are corrupt, rich foreign nations can always induce them to sell the interests of their coun¬try while the Tuchuns cannot be prevented from prolonging the existing anarchy. The regeneration of China demands a body of men devoting themselves to politics and administration honestly, energetically, and in all enlightened spirit. Of such a body the returned students ought to form the nucleus.
(2) Given such a body of public-spirited and modern-minded men, it would be possible to put an end to the existing anarchy and establish order and good government throughout the country. Without a stable government nothing can be accomplished. It is impossible to resist foreign aggression, because there is no political strength in the nation. It is im¬possible to develop the industrial resources by Chinese enterprise, because the Tuchuns cannot be trusted to abstain from spoliation. It is impossible to extend education, because there are no public funds for the purpose. Good government is therefore absolutely essential even for matters which might seem at first sight remote from politics.
I think it is clear that a stable government in China will have to be feder¬al, allowing to the provinces a very large measure of autonomy. In this respect, I think, the constitutionalists of 1912 made a mistake ; something more analogous to the American Constitution would have a far better chance of success than the constitution aimed at in the first days of the Republic. The important thing is to discover and advocate a kind of con¬stitution which the great mass of public opinion can support ; and this will almost certainly be a federation of autonomous provinces.
As to how such a constitution is to be established in face of the opposi¬tion of the militarists, it is impossible to prophesy definitely. Obviously the first requisite is united action by all those who desire to end the existing anarchy. There is need of an informal Congress to draw up a new draft constitution, with the understanding that its members should all support the draft when it is drawn up, even if it fails to represent exactly the indi¬vidual views of this or that member. It might then happen that some com¬paratively enlightened Tuchun would agree to establish the new constitu¬tion, or that the soldiers could be induced by propaganda to abandon the more reactionary Tuchuns. The precise method of getting the constitution established would depend upon circumstances, but if once the enlight¬ened Chinese were united in advocating it, there can be little doubt that its enactment could be brought about by sufficiently persistent propa¬ganda. When that is achieved, the militarists, so far as they survive, can be forced to serve the central government and the existing anarchy can be ended.
(3) No progress is stable in any country unless it is accompanied by an increase of education. There are two things, both requiring education, which are needed for Chinese stability, namely democracy and industrial¬ism. Democracy is needed both as good in itself and as the only way of avoiding dictatorship of men who appeal to ignorant prejudice. Indus¬trialism is needed not as a good thing in itself (for in itself I regard it as an evil), but as absolutely necessary for the preservation of national inde¬pendence. But before it becomes possible for the Chinese to run their own industries it will be necessary to have technically trained experts and skil¬led workmen. I sometimes think that the Chinese students who come to Europe and America are too conclusively occupied with abstract studies. Many, for example, learn economics, but hardly any learn how some large industrial enterprise is actually run, though this knowledge would prob¬ably be far more useful to China. And the same thing applies to the for¬eign teachers who are brought to China. When I was lecturing on philos¬ophy in Peking, I was painfully conscious that the knowledge I had to give was far less valuable than what could be given by (say) a mining engineer or a man intimately acquainted with the iron and steel industry. Such men ought, in my opinion, to be induced to come to China and to impart their knowledge to those who would make practical use of it.
If China is to become a democracy on the Western model, universal ele¬mentary education is indispensable. This would require two things which do not exist at present, namely an adequate revenue, and an adequate supply of teachers. The revenue will be forthcoming when a stable govern¬ment has been established, but not before. Normal schools for teachers already exist, but many more will be required before a competent teacher can be supplied to every village. Probably this increase of normal schools also will be impossible, on any large scale, until there is a constitutional government recognized throughout the country.
(4) In preserving national independence, the crux of the whole matter is industrial resources, especially railways and mines. China is rich in min¬erals, which foreign industrialists wish to exploit. So long as railways and mines are in the hands of foreigners, no legal safeguards will secure any real freedom for China. If the industrial resources could remain entirely unused, that might be the last thing for China; but that is impossible. The only real alternative is between Chinese and foreign exploitation. I desire very strongly to see Chinese rather than foreign exploitation, because I admire and love Chinese civilization, which will inevitably be replaced by that of the West if economic power remains in Western hands, whether individual or national. Of course, the growth of industrialism will change Chinese civilization, as it has changed ours, and I do not wish China to remain unchanged. There is need of widespread radical reform in China. But I wish reform to proceed on Chinese lines, as a growth and development out of China's past, not as a mere substitution of Western ideas and Western practice. I believe that by a judicious infusion of Western knowledge, China can enter upon a new period of greatness, and can find solutions for many problems which we have found baffling – perhaps for our fundamental problem, how industrialism is to be made the servant of men instead of his ruthless tyrant.
China's potential strength is so enormous that no great intensity of militarism or nationalism is required for successful resistance to foreign aggression. Some slight amount, no doubt, is required. This is an evil, but one for which the responsibility rests with the Western nations and their Japanese pupil. I wish to see in China just so much of nationalism as is necessary for self-preservation, but no more. And in view of the Chinese character, I do not despair of seeing this result achieved. But I should be sorry if, in achieving it, the Chinese were driven to imitate us in anything except knowledge ; for in their philosophy of life, I believe them to be definitely our superior.
Subjects
Philosophy : Europe : Great Britain